Scottish Social Attitudes 2015: attitudes to discrimination and positive action

5. Why are attitudes changing?

As this is the fourth occasion that Scottish Social Attitudes survey has asked questions about attitudes towards discrimination, many of the questions asked in 2015 were also asked on one or more of those previous surveys. This chapter assesses the extent to which discriminatory attitudes have changed over time, as measured by views on someone with certain protected characteristics marrying a close relative and their suitability as a primary school teacher, and explores why these changes may have occurred.

Changes to discriminatory attitudes 2010 to 2015

Between 2002 and 2010 the pattern was broadly one of little or no change in the level of discriminatory attitudes towards people with certain protected characteristics marrying a close relative or being suitable as a primary school teacher. In contrast between 2010 and 2015 there has been a consistent trend towards a reduction in the prevalence of discriminatory attitudes. With barely an exception, fewer people said they would be unhappy about a relative marrying someone who shares certain protected characteristics than was the case in 2010, while the same was true of people's perception of the suitability of specific groups to be a primary school teacher (see Chapters 3 and 4 for full details). In this chapter we consider how this trend might be accounted for.

Trends in psychological and economic outlook

One possible explanation for the decline in discriminatory attitudes towards people with or who share certain protected characteristics is that fewer people are psychologically at odds with living in a diverse society and/or are concerned about the economic consequences of doing so. Chapter 2 discussed the indicators of general prejudice which represent possible psychological influences on discriminatory attitudes, and showed that there had, indeed, been a decline in negative attitudes between 2010 and 2015. These changes could be one reason why views on specific groups have also become less negative over this five year period. Indeed, there is some evidence that both developments have taken place.

Table 5.1 summarises the change in the pattern of responses to the indicators of general prejudice in detail. The proportion of people who would prefer to live in an area where most people are similar to themselves declined by ten percentage points between 2010 and 2015, from 43% to 33%.

At the same time, concern about the cultural consequences of Scotland becoming a more diverse society also declined. The proportion who thought that Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more black and Asian people came to live in Scotland fell by eleven percentage points (45% to 34%), by nine percentage points in the case of Muslims (50% to 41%), and by eight percentage points in respect of people from Eastern Europe (46% to 38%). Whereas previously, nearly half were concerned about the consequences of greater diversity, that view is now clearly a minority one, despite the continuing high profile given to the debate about immigration in the media. We should note that in the case of Muslims at least, the reduction in concern over the last five years has merely reversed the increase in concern that arose between 2002 and 2006. ^[19]

Table 5.1 Trends in psychological influences 2002-15

	2002/3*	2006	2010	2015
Prefer to live in an area where most people are similar to you	46%	49%	43%	33%
Agree: Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more Muslims came to live in Scotland	38%	49%	50%	41%
Agree: Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more people from Eastern Europe came to live in Scotland	-	45%	46%	38%
Agree: Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more black and Asian people came to live in Scotland	-	46%	45%	34%
Unweighted bases	1665/1508 +	1594	1495	1288

* The question about the kind of area in which someone preferred to live was first asked in 2002, while that about the impact of more Muslims coming to Scotland was included for the first time in SSA 2003.
+ Sample size in 2002=1665 and in 2003=1508

There have also been further reductions between 2010 and 2015 in the proportion of people who said they do not know someone with or who share certain protected characteristics (see Table 5.2). As discussed in Chapter 2, previous research shows that there is an association between knowing someone with certain protected characteristics and holding less discriminatory attitudes. The only exception is in the proportion who said they do not know someone from a different racial or ethnic background, which remains unchanged at just under one in five (19%). The most marked changes have been seen in relation to people knowing someone who is gay or lesbian. Compared with 2002, less than half as many now say they do not know someone who is gay or lesbian. As many as one in five (21%) in 2015 said a member of their family is gay or lesbian, compared with 6% in 2002, while 41% said they have a friend they know fairly well who is gay or lesbian, an increase from 23% in 2002. Overall a majority of people in Scotland (57%) now have a close friend or family member who is gay or lesbian.

In contrast, although there has been a five percentage point decline in the proportion who said they do not know anyone who is Muslim, as many as two in five (41%) still fall into that category. There is evidently still a sizeable proportion of people with little or no acquaintance with people of the Islamic faith.

The decline in the level of discriminatory attitudes, as measured attitudes towards people marrying and who is thought to be suitable as a primary school teacher, could at least in part be accounted for by this fall in concern about the cultural consequences of diversity and the increased social interaction with people who share certain protected characteristics.

Table 5.2 Not knowing anyone with certain protected characteristics, 2002-15

% saying do not know anyone who is…	2002	2006	2010	2015
Muslim	-	52%	46%	41%
From a different racial or ethnic background	26%	24%	19%	19%
Has a mental health problem	-	-	25%	19%
Gay or lesbian	32%	26%	19%	15%
Unweighted bases	1665	1594	1495	1288

Another possible explanation for the decline in discriminatory attitudes are economic factors. First, people's perception of the 'economic threat' from groups with different characteristics to themselves and second, people's own economic position. There has been a decline in apparent concern about the impact of ethnic minorities and people from Eastern Europe on the availability of jobs in Scotland. However, as Table 5.3 shows, the decline in the proportion saying that people from ethnic minorities and people from Eastern Europe 'take jobs away from other people in Scotland' has simply reversed the increase that was recorded in 2010, not long after the recession. For example, in 2006 31% agreed that 'people from Eastern Europe take jobs away from other people in Scotland', this increased to 37% in 2010 before declining back to the 2006 level in 2015 (30%). At the same time, at 13%, the proportion who said they are struggling on their current income, is little different from what it was in 2010. Overall the changes in people's economic perceptions and circumstances do not appear to account for the decline in the prevalence of discriminatory attitudes.

Table 5.3 Agreeing that people from ethnic minorities or from Eastern Europe take jobs away from other people in Scotland (2002-15)

% Agree	2002	2006	2010	2015
People from ethnic minorities take jobs away from other people in Scotland	20%	27%	31%	27%
People who comes here from Eastern Europe take jobs away from other people in Scotland	-	31%	37%	30%
Unweighted bases	1507	1437	1366	1232

Another possible explanation for the decline in the prevalence of discriminatory attitudes would be changes in the distribution of people in different demographic groups. People with lower levels of educational qualifications and those who attend church regularly have been shown in previous years of SSA to hold more discriminatory attitudes towards certain groups in society. ^[20] However, changes in the social structure of a society are inevitably relatively slow. Most people's levels of educational and occupational attainment are largely settled relatively early in life. For example, at 19% the proportion of people without any formal educational qualifications in 2015 is little different from the 20% in 2010. Equally, at 11% the proportion who said in 2015 they attend church at least once a week is only a little lower than it was five years previously. So changes in the distribution of people in different demographic groups are not able to account for the sharp decline in the incidence of discriminatory attitudes.

Relationships

Table 5.4 details the changes that have taken place in attitudes towards a close relative marrying or forming a long-term relationship with someone with certain protected characteristics (see also Chapter 3). With one exception, someone who experiences depression from time to time, the proportion who said they would be unhappy if a close relative married someone from all other groups has fallen noticeably since 2010 (after having been relatively stable between 2006 and 2010). There has been a decline in the proportion who would be unhappy about a close relative marrying someone who is black or Asian or someone who is Jewish, even though it was already the case that fewer than one in ten expressed such a view in 2010.

Some of the changes have, however, been larger than others. The largest have been in respect of relationships where the partner's gender or gender identity might be the reason for a close relative being unhappy about the relationship. As discussed in Chapter 3, there has been a 17 percentage point decline in the proportion who would be unhappy if a close relative married someone who has undergone gender reassignment (from 49% to 32%), a 16 percentage point decline in the proportion who would be unhappy about a relationship with someone who cross-dresses (from 55% to 39%) and a 14 percentage point decline in respect of a same sex partner (from 30% to 16%). In part the fact that the sharpest declines are in relation to these three equalities groups is a reflection of the fact that the proportion who said that they were unhappy in 2010 was relatively high. Yet this is not the whole explanation as the decline in the proportion who would be unhappy about a close relative marrying a Gypsy/Traveller is less (5 percentage points) than the decline seen in respect of a same sex relationship (14 percentage points) even though a higher proportion of people in 2010 were unhappy about a Gypsy/Traveller marrying one of their close relatives.

Table 5.4 Feelings on a close relative marrying or forming a long-term relationship with different groups of people (2006-2015)

% unhappy if a relative married/formed a long-term relationship with…	2006	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Someone who cross-dresses	-	55%	39%	-16
Someone who has undergone gender reassignment	50%	49%	32%	-17
A Gypsy/Traveller	37%	37%	32%	-5
Someone of same sex	33%	30%	16%	-14
A Muslim*	24%	23%	20%	-3
Someone who experiences depression from time to time	-	21%	19%	-2
Someone who is Black/Asian	11%	9%	5%	-4
Someone who is Jewish*	10%	9%	6%	-3
Unweighted bases	1594	1495	1288

* note that those who said they were Muslim or Jewish were not asked the relevant question about their religion.

Table 5.5 shows that since 2000 there has been a clear trend of increasing acceptance of same sex relationships (see also Chapter 2). In 2000, nearly half (48%) thought that 'sexual relations between two adults of the same sex' were 'always' or 'mostly' wrong, and they clearly outnumbered those who thought they were 'rarely' or 'not wrong at all' (37%). But by 2015, this had fallen to less than 1 in 5 (18%). More than two-thirds (69%) now say that a same sex relationship is 'rarely' or 'not at all wrong'.

This change in attitudes towards sexual relations between adults of the same sex is likely to be at least part of the explanation as to why fewer people now say they would be unhappy about a close relative marrying someone of the same sex. But perhaps this change in attitudes towards same sex relationships is also an indicator of a change in attitudes towards groups that challenge traditional thinking about sexuality and gender, such as someone who cross-dresses or someone who has undergone gender reassignment. If so, then this might explain why attitudes towards a close relative marrying a same sex partner have apparently moved in tandem with attitudes towards the formation of a relationship with someone who cross-dresses or has undergone gender reassignment.

Table 5.5 Attitudes towards same sex relationships (2000-2015)

	2000	2004	2005	2010	2015
Always/mostly wrong	48%	41%	40%	28%	18%
Rarely/not wrong at all	37%	44%	44%	58%	69%
Unweighted bases	1663	1637	1549	1495	1288

Table 5.6 shows how views towards a close relative marrying someone who is gay or lesbian, cross-dresses or has undergone gender reassignment are related to views on whether same sex relationships are wrong. Those who said that same sex relationships were 'rarely' or 'not at all wrong' were not only much less likely to say that they would be unhappy about a close relative marrying someone of the same sex, but were also much less likely to say they would be unhappy about a relative marrying someone who cross-dresses or who has undergone gender reassignment. The fact that fewer people in 2015 said they thought same sex relationships were wrong appears to be symptomatic of a wider change in attitudes towards those who might be regarded as an acceptable partner.

Table 5.6 Attitudes towards a close relative marrying someone from different groups by attitudes towards same sex relationships (2010, 2015)

	2010	2015
	Attitudes towards same sex relationships
% unhappy if close relative formed relationship with…	Always/Mostly wrong	Rarely/Not wrong at all	Always/Mostly wrong	Rarely/Not wrong at all
Same sex partner	77%	9%	57%	4%
Someone who has undergone gender reassignment	81%	33%	72%	18%
Someone who cross-dresses	84%	40%	77%	25%
Weighted bases	410	872	232	887
Unweighted bases	446	831	276	829

However, Table 5.6 also shows that this is unlikely to be the only explanation. There has also been a decline among those who thought that same sex relationships are 'rarely wrong' or 'not wrong at all' who said they would be unhappy with a close relative marrying someone who cross-dresses or has undergone gender reassignment. For example, just 18% of those who said that same sex relations are 'rarely' or 'not wrong at all' in 2015 said that they would be unhappy about a close relative forming a long-term relationship with someone who has undergone gender reassignment, a 15 percentage points decline since 2010 when the figure was 33%. In short, much of the change during the last five years in attitudes towards prospective partners has occurred independently of changes in attitudes towards sexual relations more generally.

Given that, the explanation for the change in attitudes towards prospective partners may be due instead to changes in people's general attitudes to diversity or to higher levels of contact with people who share certain protected characteristics. As more people are now seemingly comfortable with living in a diverse society, this may account for the changing pattern of attitudes, not only to those who might be thought to challenge traditional views about gender and gender identity, but also more generally.

Table 5.7 Changes in attitudes towards a close relative marrying someone who has undergone gender reassignment by indicators of psychological outlook (2010, 2015)

% unhappy about a close relative forming a relationship with someone who has undergone gender reassignment	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Prefer to live in an area…
With lots of different kinds of people	36%	20%	-16
Where most people are similar to you	64%	48%	-16
Know someone who is gay or lesbian
Yes	45%	27%	-18
No	70%	55%	-15
Scotland would lose its identity if more black and Asian people came to live in Scotland
Agree	62%	47%	-15
Disagree	37%	20%	-17

See Table A5.1 in Annex A for sample sizes

However, analysis shows that this is not the case. Table 5.7 shows that, as expected, those who would prefer to live in an area with different kinds of people are less likely to say they would be unhappy about a close relative forming a relationship with someone who has undergone gender reassignment compared with those who say they prefer to live in an area with people similar to themselves (20% compared with 48% respectively). Equally those who said they knew someone who is gay or lesbian were less likely to be unhappy about such a relationship as were those who do not feel that Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more black people and Asians came to live in Scotland. However, the proportion who were unhappy with a close relative marrying someone who has undergone gender reassignment has declined among all groups shown in the table. In other words, attitudes towards a relative marrying someone who has undergone gender reassignment have changed irrespective of people's psychological orientation towards diversity. Moreover, similar findings are seen in relation to the change in attitudes towards a close relative marrying someone of the same sex or someone who cross-dresses.

As discussed, the decline in the proportion who would be unhappy if a relative married someone has been less marked for some groups, for example Gypsy/Travellers, a Muslim and someone who is black or Asian. Are these declines in levels of unhappiness accounted for by the seemingly greater psychological acceptance of diversity? Again, this proves not to be the case. Table 5.8 shows the example of attitudes towards a close relative marrying a Gypsy/Traveller. Once again we find the proportion who said that they would be unhappy about such a relationship has fallen both among those who said they prefer to live in an area with similar kinds of people (a 6 percentage point decline) and among those who prefer to live in an area with lots of different kinds of people (a 3 percentage point decline). Equally the level of unhappiness has also declined irrespective of whether people did or did not know someone from a different ethnic background or whether they felt that Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more people from Eastern Europe came to Scotland.

Table 5.8 Changes in attitudes towards a close relative forming a relationship with a Gypsy/Traveller by indicators of psychological outlook (2010, 2015)

% unhappy about a close relative forming a relationship with a Gypsy/Traveller	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Prefer to live in an area…
With lots of different kinds of people	24%	21%	-3
Where most people are similar to you	53%	47%	-6
Know someone from a different ethnic background
Yes	33%	27%	-6
No	59%	50%	-9
Scotland would lose its identity if more people from Eastern Europe came to live in Scotland
Agree	48%	46%	-2
Disagree	26%	19%	-7

See Table A5.2 in Annex A for sample sizes

So, although attitudes towards a close relative marrying someone from a range of groups who share certain protected characteristics are related to people's psychological orientation towards diversity, and although it seems that more people in Scotland now have a positive orientation towards diversity, it appears that the latter development does not account for the changes in attitudes towards marrying someone from these groups. Instead the change in attitudes towards relationships appears to have occurred irrespective of people's psychological orientation.

Meanwhile, we have already noted that there has been little change in the demography of Scotland during the course of the last five years, and so this cannot be considered as a possible explanation for the decline in discriminatory attitudes. But perhaps the decline in discriminatory attitudes has occurred primarily among those in particular social groups. We might hypothesise, for example, that those who belong to social groups that previously have been most likely to be unhappy about a relative marrying someone who challenges traditional conceptions of sexuality and gender have been influenced by the wider change in social attitudes in this area, and consequently have become particularly likely to have changed their views.

Table 5.9 shows how attitudes to a close relative marrying someone who has undergone gender reassignment have changed since 2010 across a range of demographic factors (gender, age, education and religious affiliation) that previously have been associated with holding different views on the subject. It reveals one instance where the pattern we are looking for is in evidence. Previously those with no formal educational qualifications have been more likely to say that they would be unhappy at the prospect of such a relationship. Between 2010 and 2015 the level of unhappiness among those with no formal educational qualifications has fallen more than among those with at least some level of educational qualifications. However, in terms of religious identity, the decline in the level of unhappiness is much the same among those who claim a religious identity as it is among those who do not. Meanwhile, it is actually among younger people (particularly those aged 18 to 29), who were already relatively unlikely to report unhappiness, that the level has fallen most.

Much the same pattern is in evidence in respect of a relationship with someone who cross-dresses. As in the case for someone who has undergone gender reassignment there is a greater decline in the reported level of unhappiness among those with no formal educational qualifications. But at the same time, there is no sign that unhappiness has fallen more among older people than younger people or among those who claim a religious identity as opposed to those who do not.

Table 5.9 Changes in attitudes towards a close relative forming a relationship with someone who has undergone gender reassignment by socio-demographic factors (2010, 2015)

% unhappy about a close relative forming a relationship with someone who has undergone gender reassignment	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Gender
Male	52%	32%	-20
Female	45%	31%	-14
Age
18-29	39%	13%	-26
30-39	34%	21%	-13
40-64	47%	30%	-17
65+	72%	58%	-14
Highest educational qualification
Degree	38%	23%	-15
Higher or equivalent	37%	27%	-10
Standard grade or equivalent	55%	39%	-16
None	69%	45%	-24
Religion
Has a religious identification	57%	38%	-19
Has no religion	39%	23%	-16

See Table A5.3 in Annex A for sample sizes

If we look instead at views towards same sex relationships, we find some sign of our expectation being fulfilled. Table 5.10 shows the differences in views on whether people would be unhappy with a close relative marrying someone of the same sex by socio-demographic factors. Here we can see that the greater decline in levels of unhappiness have occurred in particular among older people and those with no formal educational qualifications. There is, in truth, one important reason why this is the case. In many of the categories of the table the proportion that reported being unhappy at the prospect of a close relative entering into a same sex relationship was already relatively low and therefore it was less likely to decline a lot further. Even so, the pattern is a reminder that if, and when, a discriminatory attitude becomes relatively rare, those groups which previously have been more inclined to hold that view inevitably begin to become less distinctive in their attitudes.

Table 5.10 Changes in attitudes towards a close relative forming a same sex relationship by socio-demographic factors (2010, 2015)

% unhappy about a close relative marrying someone of the same sex	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Gender
Male	35%	18%	-17
Female	26%	15%	-11
Age
18-29	17%	3%	-14
30-39	15%	12%	-3
60-64	26%	12%	-14
65+	64%	38%	-26
Highest educational qualification
Degree	19%	10%	-9
Higher or equivalent	22%	12%	-10
Standard grade or equivalent	33%	22%	-11
None	52%	29%	-33
Religion
Has a religious identification	39%	22%	-17
Has no religion	21%	11%	-10

See Table A5.3 in Annex A for sample sizes

Indeed, this pattern is also evident in respect of a number of the other possible relationships where overall the expression of unhappiness was already uncommon in 2010 and is now even more so. So, for example, the proportion who said they would be unhappy if a close relative married a Gypsy/Traveller has fallen most among those aged 65 and over and among those who either have no formal educational qualifications or no more than Standard grade-level qualifications. The same is true of attitudes towards a relative marrying a black or Asian person.

Employment as a primary school teacher

Table 5.11 shows the change between 2010 and 2015 in the proportion who said that people from a group which shares certain protected characteristics would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher. It shows that without exception people are less likely to think that someone from any of these groups are unsuitable as primary school teachers, although in some cases the decline is only a small one where the proportion who thought someone from that group was unsuitable was already low in 2010. The more likely a group was to be thought of as unsuitable five years ago, the larger the decline in the proportion who thought they were unsuitable between 2010 and 2015. For example, nearly half of people in 2010 thought a Gypsy/Traveller was unsuitable as a primary school teacher in 2010 and the proportion declined by 14 percentage points in 2015 to 34%.

Table 5.11 Perceptions of Suitability to be a Primary School Teacher 2006-15

% say unsuitable to be a primary school teacher	2006	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
A Gypsy/Traveller	48%	46%	34%	-14
Someone who from time to time experiences depression	51%	41%	29%	-12
Someone aged 70	49%	39%	31%	-8
Someone who has undergone gender reassignment	30%	31%	20%	-11
Gay men and lesbians	21%	18%	13%	-5
A Muslim person	15%	15%	13%	-2
A black or Asian person	4%	6%	3%	-3

Weighted and unweighted bases as at Figure 4.1.

As shown in relation to views on someone marrying a close relative, it also appears that this decline in negative attitudes cannot simply be accounted for by the fact that more people in Scotland now appear to be at ease with diversity. Table 5.12 shows, for example, that the proportion of people who said that a Gypsy/Traveller would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher fell similarly among those who would prefer to live in an area with similar kinds of people (9 percentage point decline) and among those who would prefer to live in an area with lots of different kinds of people (11 percentage point decline). The same is observed in respect of whether people felt that Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more people from Eastern Europe came to live in Scotland. And while the decline was greater among those who said they know someone from a different ethnic background than it was among those who said they did not, again the fact that there was a decline within both groups means that the overall decline in the proportion who said that a Gypsy/Traveller would be unsuitable cannot simply be accounted for by the fact that more people are now acquainted with someone from a different ethnic background.

Table 5.12 Change in perceptions of the suitability of a Gypsy/Traveller as a primary school teacher by indicators of psychological outlook (2010, 2015)

% say a Gypsy/Traveller would be unsuitable as a Primary School Teacher	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Prefer to live in an area…
With lots of different kinds of people	32%	21%	-11
Where most people are similar to you	61%	52%	-9
Know someone from a different ethnic background
Yes	42%	29%	-13
No	59%	56%	-3
Scotland would lose its identity if more people from Eastern Europe came to live in Scotland
Disagree	33%	22%	-11
Agree	56%	46%	-10

See Table A5.2 in Annex A for sample sizes
8.

Indeed, this pattern is replicated if we look at some of the other groups for whom the decline in the proportion who considered them to be unsuitable has been particularly marked. Table 5.13, for example, undertakes the same analysis for someone who has undergone gender reassignment. Again those of any given psychological orientation are less likely to regard such a person as unsuitable now than they were five years ago. For example, there was a 9 percentage point decline (between 2010 and 2015) in the proportion who said that someone who has undergone gender reassignment would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher among those that agreed that Scotland would begin to lose its identity if more black and Asian people came to Scotland. However, there was also a 7 percentage point decline among those who disagreed that more black and Asian people would mean Scotland would begin to lose its identity.

Table 5.13 Change in perceptions of suitability of someone who has undergone gender reassignment to be a primary school teacher by indicators of psychological outlook, 2010-15

% say someone who has undergone gender reassignment would be unsuitable as a primary school teacher	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Prefer to live in an area…
With lots of different kinds of people	21%	13%	-8
Where most people are similar to you	44%	36%	-8
Know someone who is gay or lesbian
Yes	27%	16%	-11
No	48%	45%	-3
Scotland would lose its identity if more black and Asian people came to live in Scotland
Agree	40%	31%	-9
Disagree	20%	13%	-7

See Table A5.1 in Annex A for sample sizes

But has the fall in the proportion who considered someone with any given characteristic to be unsuitable to be a primary school teacher occurred primarily among those who belong to one or more particular demographic group? In particular, is there any sign that the decline has been most marked for those demographic groups that previously have been most likely to say that someone was unsuitable. Table 5.14 shows the pattern of change over time for key demographic groups in relation to views on a close relative marrying a Gypsy/Traveller which suggests that this is not the case. Instead, the fall appears to have been greater among groups that were already less likely to regard a Gypsy/Traveller as unsuitable, most notably younger people and those with higher levels of educational qualifications. Much the same pattern is found if we look at the other groups where there has been considerable decline in the proportion saying they were unsuitable, such as someone who has undergone gender reassignment or someone who experiences depression from time to time. It seems that on this issue, as opposed to feelings of happiness or unhappiness about someone marrying a close relative, some of the demographic differences in perceptions of the suitability of someone to be a primary school teacher have become greater rather than weaker.

Table 5.14 Change in perceptions of the suitability of a Gypsy/Traveller as a primary school teacher by socio-demographic factors (2010, 2015)

% say a Gypsy/Traveller would be unsuitable as a Primary School Teacher	2010	2015	Change 2010-15
Gender
Male	51%	36%	-15
Female	41%	32%	-9
Age
18-29	45%	23%	-22
30-39	42%	24%	-18
40-64	41%	35%	-6
65+	60%	48%	-12
Highest educational qualification
Degree	38%	23%	-15
Higher or equivalent	46%	30%	-16
Standard grade or equivalent	51%	42%	-9
None	51%	51%	-0

See Table A5.3 in Annex A for sample sizes