Cleaner Air for Scotland - air quality public attitudes and behaviour: summary report

Overview of findings

Factors affecting behaviour change

Understanding behaviour and how it may be changed, requires an understanding of the factors that influence behaviours. Given many of the behaviour change studies that this literature review identified used the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB), the report used the component factors of this model (attitude, perceived behavioural control and subjective norms) to discuss the findings.

Although TPB studies recommend policies focus on attending to the dominant factors identified in relation to their particular study, it is clear that these internal factors act in combination and vary across studies and societies. Rather than focus on the applicability of any one study in Scotland, we have therefore tried to draw out the key messages from all of the studies reviewed as a whole.

As a caveat, many of the behaviour change studies we have reviewed here focus on self-reported intentions, however, it is widely recognised that intention and self-assessments are not necessarily good predictors of actual behaviour.

Attitude was the dominant factor identified in the studies reviewed here, which could be significantly strengthened with the inclusion of environmental awareness or concern. Hence, many of the studies recommended increasing public awareness of air pollution to ensure policies seeking to achieve behaviour change were more positively received. However, provision of information and awareness raising can be flawed if used in isolation. Furthermore, a number of studies reported that knowledge of air pollution can actually cause negative affective responses leading to stress and paralysis of action if risk perception and behavioural responses are not properly managed.

Subjective norms were also widely identified as dominant factors reflecting the normative drivers of our behaviours and acknowledging how shifting those norms can be a powerful mechanism to achieve desired behaviour change. Not only is this significant for individual behaviour change, but, by changing what is considered socially-acceptable, whole societies can be influenced with the potential for creating significant impacts in improving air quality. Furthermore, by making use of social networks to disseminate messaging about the health effects of air pollution and the behaviours that can reduce them, this itself can start to engender the subjective norms.

Perceived behavioural control appears to be less significant as a dominant factor than attitude or subjective norms across the studies reviewed. This is not to say that it is not important, as it can still be a significant moderating factor where positive attitudes or subjective norms are high, reducing individuals' ability to enact the behaviours that they would like to, or that they feel society would like them to. As some studies have identified, it has also been considered dominant in its own right, particularly in commuting and home heating, where alternatives may be unavailable, or at least unobtainable given limited resources. The lessons from consideration of perceived behavioural control are therefore the need to consider all socioeconomic strata and to ensure that policies intended to change behaviours are simpler, more convenient and less expensive than the current behaviours. However, where this means making the existing behaviour comparatively less appealing, this must not penalise those that may have little ability to change. 

Public engagement approaches

Based on the studies and projects reviewed, a wide range of examples of public engagement approaches from communication tools, traditional questionnaires and focus groups, to more participatory 'citizen panels', 'citizen science', 'living labs' and co-creation, and novel techniques using social media and gamification. Each approach has its strengths and weaknesses, and therefore a complementary suite of approaches presents the best means of ensuring widespread engagement.

As we have seen from the review of behaviour change theory, communication can help raise awareness and lead to positive attitudes, as well as influencing subjective norms. However, to tackle negative risk perceptions and a lack of perceived behavioural control, it is important to engage in more participatory approaches. By actively engaging citizens in the development of policies, it is possible to co-create solutions that have public support and will be easier to implement and therefore more effective. Ensuring all sectors of society have an equal voice in this public discourse is therefore vital to avoid disaffecting communities and creating or exacerbating social inequalities. 

In terms of awareness-raising, lessons from the 2019 Clean Air Day in Scotland events, Dundee City Council's social marketing campaign and Glasgow City Council's Future City Glasgow project Active Travel Demonstrator indicate that a suite of coordinated initiatives supported by national and local government, public health agencies, public transport providers, businesses and schools are likely to be most impactful. Messaging was key, with Dundee City Council focusing on fuel cost saving as a motivational tool. A range of different media was also used to maximise transmission of the message, using billboards, local press, TV and radio, websites, mobile applications, social media and peer-to-peer networks. The ability of Environmental Protection Scotland to coordinate its Clean Air Day organisation with the support of the national campaign organisers, Global Action Plan, enabled a stronger branding of the materials and the chance to build on the momentum and wider campaign, as well as the growing public awareness at the time over the climate change crisis. 

Targeting of messaging was also key with different approaches used by Dundee City Council for local residents and those travelling from outside, including public transport promotion, eco-driving and vehicle maintenance advice for drivers, and an air quality awareness-raising campaign aimed at parents through engagement with schoolchildren. Appropriate use of media for specific user groups, however, was highlighted by the Future City Glasgow project where technical competences and financial limitations led to barriers in engaging certain sectors of society on energy efficiency behaviours.

As well as communication strategies and awareness raising, the examples presented in Scotland also demonstrate the use of co-creation and co-design through the Future City Glasgow project and the Community Engagement for Carbon Emission Reduction (CECER) Strategy for Fife Council. This inclusionary approach allows citizens to actively contribute to local decision-making and influence local policy and services, and can create a much stronger public buy-in than more top-down consultation approaches, resulting in more successful policies.

Citizens' juries are another inclusionary approach as presented in the examples from Aberdeen and Edinburgh on climate policy, renewable energy, and low-carbon technologies (Ostfeld and Reiner, 2020) and from Coldstream, Helensburgh and Aberfeldy regarding on-shore wind farm developments (Roberts et al., 2020), which similarly empower citizens to engage in and inform the decision-making process. As the examples demonstrate, this is an increasingly popular mechanism but which requires careful planning and coordination to ensure successful implementation and valuable outputs that do not disenfranchise either the jurors or the expert witnesses.

The final example presented an alternative, participatory arts method drawing on a climate change example on the Isle of Mull. Although limited in its reach, this novel approach demonstrates that unconventional methods can be useful ways in which to engage with the public 'unawares', thereby capturing the views of normally disengaged or harder to reach sectors of society.

As with all of these public engagement approaches, the longer-term effectiveness of the initiatives in terms of engendering changes in perceptions and ultimately behaviour, is difficult to directly determine. Longitudinal monitoring and evaluation plans need to be designed into public engagement strategies to record their successes and to establish transferable practices that can be adapted to locally-specific circumstances.

Public perceptions in Scotland

Based on the, albeit relatively small number of, responses to the Global Action Plan survey there is an increasingly high level of awareness of air pollution and understanding of the measures that could be taken to reduce it. However, there appeared to be a stronger support for national (UK Government) action than for individual travel behaviour change. It is unclear whether this is a lack of ambition on respondents' behalf, a detachment from ownership of the problem and responsibility for the solutions or a result of real or perceived barriers to enable them to act in more sustainable ways, an area that clearly warrants further investigation. 

The strong support for the LEZs to reduce air pollution and protect public health, amongst respondents to the Scottish Government's consultation also indicates there is appetite for imposition of relatively stringent 24/7 vehicle restriction measures, in preference to charging zones. Furthermore, these should be supported with measures to facilitate alternative modes, e.g. improvements to public transport and walking and cycle routes. Respondents appeared to accept that such a scheme would affect all sectors of society, but that motorists should be paying for traffic pollution, notwithstanding the need to consider mobility and social justice issues for those that may be adversely impacted. It is worth reflecting, however, that these were self-selecting respondents and hence not necessarily reflective of the wider Scottish public. As learnt from the experience of the proposed Edinburgh Congestion Charge Zone, it is necessary to ensure much wider engagement with all communities affected by the scheme and, crucially, that the positive impacts of the scheme are well-publicised to counter any negative media bias. 

Exploring Scottish behaviours and perceptions of travel more widely, much of the literature dwelt on aspects of deprivation, largely focused in Glasgow. A culture of 'forced' car ownership was noted in one study, particularly amongst families with children. The paper also highlighted that sustainable travel options were not reaching deprived communities, and furthermore, that regeneration strategies are failing to promote mobility and accessibility. This is also discussed in other papers that suggest that despite regeneration apparently improving walkability, this did not necessarily equate to increases in active travel. In some areas this was due to inherent fear of crime and lack of safety creating 'no go' areas, although for others, improvements to cycle and walking infrastructure did help. Another study, which analysed walking behaviour by deprivation index, also found that households in deprived areas were less likely to walk than those in wealthier areas. 

Propensity to walk was also determined by urbanicity with rural communities less likely to walk. This may be due to travel distances and higher levels of car ownership, but the authors also linked this to seasonal differences with weather being a driving factor. Health inequalities was also found to be a factor in mobility decisions leading to perceived car dependence. However use of public transport, active or multiple modes were found to increase journey satisfaction more than just cars, indicating that more support to shift behaviours in these communities could have multiple health and wellbeing benefits. For rural communities and those with mobility issues, there appears to be a good network of community transport provision in Scotland, which is highly valued by users. 

Analysis of children's travel to school behaviours found that walkable neighbourhoods were conducive to walking to school over all distances, but ~0.5 miles was widely considered to be popular. Active travel and public transport was also popular amongst Scottish university students, whereas for staff at one Scottish university, ambitions to walk more were thwarted by work and family commitments as well as the weather and personal motivation. Increasing cycle infrastructure around cities was recommended to encourage more leisure cycling, but in order to increase year-round commuter cycling for new or less proficient cyclists, providing weather shelters on existing cycle networks was recommended.

In exploring domestic energy use, two key studies were reviewed reflecting opposite ends of the economic spectrum. In the first study on 'zero emission' homes, it was found that although householders were keen to install insulation, new windows and efficient heating systems, the demand for space and desire for bigger houses created an increase in energy demand. The second study examined the renovation of the heating system in a social housing situation and found that a lack of consideration of users' needs and limitations, together with an econometric approach, appears to have resulted in a greater economic burden for many, and a lack of (perceived) control over their energy usage. It is clear that at both ends of the economic spectrum, there is a need to consider the lived experiences of individuals when seeking to influence their energy usage to reduce emissions. Whilst neither of these studies particularly looked at solid fuel burning – indeed no Scottish papers or studies were identified in this review that did – there is an additional need to consider the negative effects of installation of wood-burners on local air quality despite their popularity as a 'low-carbon' heat source.

Decentralised, community-led energy systems appear to be very popular in Scotland, in part due to the availability of grants to facilitate their implementation, but also scepticism over national energy providers. In addition, there is also support for renewable energy including local schemes, even in areas historically linked to oil and gas, such as Aberdeen. These areas are also supportive of carbon capture and storage, due to employment opportunities, but only as part of a managed transition to low-carbon economy.