Community experiences of serious organised crime in Scotland: research report

4. Narratives of Organised Crime

Overview

This chapter explores the narratives that circulated in the case-study sites relating to the 'push' and 'pull' factors that motivated involvement in organised crime. Importantly, these narratives were repeated by a wide cross-section of local residents, service providers and statutory agencies, taking on the sense of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Despite the fact that the corrosive impacts of organised crime were well-known and discussed, there were a lack of 'counter-narratives' against participation.

The chapter is structured in four sections, exploring common narratives relating to: (i) poverty and inequality; (ii) family, mentoring and recruitment; (iii) boredom and excitement; and (iv) 'flash cars' and ready cash. The chapter draws heavily on the data collected from those whose lives are most likely to be impacted upon by criminal activity - residents, service providers and community activists – while emphasising forms of counter-narrative and protective factors that emerged.

Poverty and inequality

The first narrative regarding involvement in organised crime related to structural inequalities, which were a very real and tangible issue for all participants. One female resident of an urban embedded community suggested that 'the community's been forgot aboot', in spite of recent efforts to regenerate the area's housing stock. They pointed out that there is 'very little opportunity for employment', emphasising the fact that physical regeneration of an area, whilst important, has limited impact on residents' life chances if employment opportunities are largely absent. The 'pull' of income through illegal activities was perceived to be greater than those gained from legitimate employment, particularly when employment opportunities are absent, or restricted to low-paid, unskilled, and precarious work. As one participant stated:

It's tough bein from an area where there's no opportunity. You don't really realise it until you're older that there isn't the opportunity tae move up in society, there's nae upward social mobility … you could drive tae the [supermarket nearby] and you drive past fancy hooses, flash cars and you think, well, why should I no have that? And when you've no really been taught how tae dae it in a legitimate way, you dae think drug dealin' is an easy option (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, female aged 18-30).

Similar comments were made by participants in another community. One resident commented that people in the area get involved in crime because 'if there's no money coming in, what would you do? If you want money in your pocket you'll want to get it wherever you can, like steal'.

It was also suggested that the struggle to afford basic goods can lead to 'passive' involvement in criminal behaviour by purchasing stolen or counterfeit products, although participants were generally silent on any personal involvement in purchasing counterfeit goods. One young participant from an urban embedded community noted however that 'my mum bought nappies'; an example of involvement in petty level crime arising from the experience of poverty. In other areas, buying illicit, counterfeit and smuggled tobacco was raised as a widespread criminal behaviour because 'everyone knows someone who can get it'.

This balance between the respondents viewing the availability of such goods as being widespread, but not self-identifying as having purchased such goods, is perhaps unsurprising given their illegality. Findings from the 2016-17 Scottish Crime and Justice Survey (Scottish Government 2018a) show that whilst the majority of adults in Scotland (86%) had no experience of being offered fake or smuggled goods over the last year, of those who had been offered, the most common types of fake or smuggled goods offered were cigarettes / tobacco or clothes. ^[1] People in the 15% most deprived areas were more likely to say they had been offered at least one type of fake or smuggled good in comparison with those in the rest of Scotland (26% compared with 9%). ^[2]

Consistent with these survey findings, participants perceived links between such 'passive' involvements in crime for local people and increasing levels of poverty in the context of austerity. One participant commented:

Another thing, to be fair to people that get involved in low-level crime, if you've got a choice of sitting without any power and food, or doing something about it, I don't blame them for doing something about it. It's logic… I'd hate to think what I would do if faced with that. You either die, or you do something about it… We're creating this culture, because people don't have money, they have to improvise (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 51-75).

These narratives of involvement in organised criminal activity were noted by both residents and statutory agencies, with a perception that the experience of poverty and inequality could lead to both direct and indirect involvement in local criminal markets. Coupled with these community perspectives, practitioners discussed the ways in which involvement in organised criminal markets, particularly drugs, could exacerbate poverty through 'vicious cycles' of debt:

Local money lenders, who might be connected to the people you bought the drugs off in the first place, so you get grandparents, parents going to illegal money lenders to give to kids, to pay off drug debts. It absorbs every single penny it can in a community. So that's a big impact on poverty and inclusion. (Expert Interview, Third Sector)

Organised crime was characterised as a relatively common and fixed feature of community life by many respondents, touching people's lives in a range of ways. One participant depicted the struggle between local community activists and the pull of SOC activity as between the 'community' and the 'anti-community', which summarises this conclusion:

In the long term, family loyalty to that 'other community' tends to undermine their effectiveness. Really there is a need for more 'muscular' and proactive early intervention. It is extremely difficult to reach or work with those who are closer to the 'anti-community', who find it easier or safer to be part of that group or community' (Police Officer, Urban Embedded).

The challenge for service providers and residents alike was to engage in a more proactive way to challenge these narratives and provide alternative opportunities.

Family, mentoring and recruitment

The impact of poverty on families emerged as an important theme in interviews. Although it is important to avoid reinforcing stigmatising stereotypes of 'problem families' in deprived areas, there was a sense that in some cases parents are less able to act as 'positive role models' for their children. As one youth worker reflected, these structural issues have a range of impacts, particularly on families. He explained that 'they're struggling, you know, they're struggling to control their bairns, they're struggling cos there's no enough income and they're struggling cos ultimately where's the hope, you know, where's the hope ae that kid daein' something that a middle class kid could dae'.

A professional working in an urban embedded community stated that, in their opinion, 'drugs and the breakdown of families is at the root of it all [anti-social behaviour and criminal activity], as children are being brought up in chaotic circumstances and very often go on to lead chaotic lives'. A practitioner working with young people commented:

The other thing is pro-criminal families, that's really important. That's the case with some of the people we work with, you can sometimes go back to their grandparents being involved in armed robbery and extortion. That whole criminal viewpoint that being a criminal is a good thing, the establishment is a bad thing. No one is to be trusted. It's a cultural thing. For some kids it's expectation – there's an expectation that you'll behave in a certain way, you're a chip off the old block (Expert Interview, Third Sector).

The lack of parental discipline was raised frequently in discussions about young people's criminal activity in one community. One resident stated that 'some of the young kids may have grown up with parents that are involved in drugs and crime. Some parents consider their kids as burdens, and this is why they are not responsible for them'. Similarly, a youth worker recounted a conversation with a parent of a young person involved in street crime, with a suggestion that additional personal responsibility is required for both parents and children:

Standing in the pub having a pint and a guy will say, 'see these wee bastards' … I'm like that, that's your laddie. 'Aw he's got f*ck all tae dae'. Well go and dae something with him them. You go and dae something wi' him then if he's nothin tae dae, you, you're his dad, you dae something wi' him (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 51-75).

In some cases, participants emphasised the inter-generational aspect of serious organised crime, whereby certain families are notorious for having several family members involved. One resident stated:

"Apples from trees" we call it. They're growing up getting taught. I've tackled some of the parents who had been involved in serious crime, and their sons are following the same route. Their attitude is, if he doesn't do it, someone else will. It's like providing a service, and that's how they justify it (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

A related narrative that emerged in interviews was the sense of people being 'mentored' into organised criminality. The extract below from an interview with another resident illustrates how children can become involved in serious criminal activity due to family vulnerability:

I remember meetin' a wee guy, he was about 6 or 7, who used to spend his nights on the street directin' people to the hooses to buy drugs. And I used to think anything could happen. And that was his opportunity to make money, he'd get five pound here or there. His mother wis an alcoholic, his dad wasn't there, he had a wee brother and sister, he wis makin the money (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

Reflecting findings elsewhere in relation to the recruitment of young people into SOC activity ( CYCJ 2018), a young male resident in an Urban, Embedded community suggested that 'It always starts, if you tell this person that, I'll gie ye a fiver, a tenner. It all starts when yer younger, he gave me a tenner for tellin' somebody something. And that gets the ball rollin' for somebody tae say, right here's a hundred quid tae put something through a door'. He went on to emphasise the existence of power hierarchies in terms of age: 'it's easy enough for somebody a lot older than you tae pressure ye intae it, they use that as an incentive, you should be grateful'.

Other participants explained that young people are seen as ideal recruits for drug dealing as they can be controlled and dominated more easily. One reflected on a shift from 'adults punting, addicts with issues' to having children involved instead, and he suggested 'with an addict, ye' might get mair chance of bein ripped off'. He suggested that families often end up in dangerous, vulnerable positions:

Whereas, with young people, they know who their families are, they've got control fae a higher level. So they don't need tae come doon here and control these young people as puppets, if they control the parents, their brothers. And it's happened, houses have been destroyed. Because stashes have gone missing, people have been accused of stealin' them (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

Interviews with business owners and employees, as well as participants from across the case study sites, supported this assertion that young people are targeted from a young age. Reflecting recent research findings ( CYCJ 2018), several participants suggested that it starts with small tasks but develops into deeper involvement in organised crime, usually drug dealing, with vulnerable young people seen as expendable. A business owner operating in a busy urban area noted that young people's visible involvement in anti-social behaviour appeared to decrease as they are targeted by drug dealers and are 'moved up a notch' in terms of criminal activity. A community police officer compared this progression to that of legitimate industry, in which a good reputation can help an individual achieve early promotion and reward:

They're just starting off as low-level drug dealers so that's an involvement with SOC and like any other organisation I think that people higher up the tree will look at some of the young team and identify who in their eyes is doing well and who's doing a good job and these people will progress through the higher levels of the SOCG (Police Officer, Urban Embedded)

Importantly, however, it was clear in other interviews that families could also act as a protective factor against involvement. One resident reflected on his personal experience with a former partner's family who were 'well known for bein' involved in organised crime', and noted that his own family tried to discourage his participation:

They [a local SOC group] tried to encourage me tae be part of it. They arranged for me to stay overnight in one of their hooses, a big mansion in the suburbs. A really affluent place, offered me and the girlfriend to come for the weekend. I knocked it back, and then that weekend, the house was raided and the guy got done. They found a gun, money. They offered to put an ice cream van in my name. I wis getting these opportunities, ma' dad had tried to warn me tae stay away and after a while, I realised I was on the wrang path (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

While the longstanding impact of unemployment created a persistent pool of new recruits, it is important to note that family and mentors can act as a brake against involvement in SOC activity.

Boredom and excitement

A third prominent narrative that sustained an explanation for participation in organised crime, particularly in relation to young people, related to boredom and excitement. This was reflected by both young people and those involved in youth groups and leisure organisations, with a general lack of available leisure activities and constraints to engaging with older teenagers.

Focus groups were conducted with school pupils in three of the fieldsites, within which young people disclosed the perception that there was little for them to do within their areas. One pupil from an urban embedded community stated that 'there's nothin actually [here] other than hooses' and that the community centre is 'full ae wee lassies and boys, there's a soft play [but] nothin for us [older children] tae dae'. A similar perception was reflected in other urban and semi-urban communities, where school pupils stated that there is 'nothing to do, it's actually borin'.

The lack of activities for younger people was reinforced by older respondents and those working and volunteering with young people. A teacher in an urban embedded community spoke about the lack of facilities available for young people within the school, stating that 'we've got nothin for the kids. A gravel pitch for everything. And that's fae the 70s'. For him, the knock on effect was that 'the central attraction for oor kids, here, is that … shoppin centre… dodgy wee shops, gambling shops.'

The lack of leisure space and activities for teenagers was perceived to be a notable 'push' factor in driving young people onto the streets in search of alternative sources of entertainment. Several young people who took part in interviews mentioned issues of underage drinking and hanging around areas such as shops and parks. A school teacher stated similarly that 'quite a lot of our kids congregate in [local park], bevvying at the weekends. There is a lot of drinking goin' on wi' the young team'.

This street presence can lead to participation in low-level anti-social behaviour and, in some cases, vulnerabilities to being mentored for involvement in SOC. A youth worker spoke about his aims to have more outdoor activities for teenagers:

The feeling I get from the young people is a lot of them are only criminals in the sense that they don't have anything else to do, or they don't feel like, I mean they obviously do have other things to do but that's almost, like, natural then, it's, like, you've got nothing to do, 'let's go and set a fire', 'let's go and nick something', 'let's go and smash something up', 'it gives us something to do for a while, get a chase, whatever', that kinda thing. I know the field over there gets set on fire every year, for no other reason than it's something to do (Community respondent, Semi-Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

For young people in one urban embedded community, street-based crimes such as theft were seen as entertainment, with one stating that 'ye've got somethin entertainin' ye' aw the time'. In one focus group respondents all attended a local youth organisation where they would 'play Fifa, play pool', but were left with nothing else to do when the club is not on.

Although not expressly responding to organised crime, it is important to note that in each case study there were community efforts to offer alternatives for young people. One community volunteer, for example, spoke of her personal motivations for engaging in the work that she does:

Well I would like, I would like different things for them [….], there is something up the road shortly for youths, so hopefully that'll take some of them [off the street and away from crime] (Community respondent, National Diffuse, female aged 51-75).

Whereas residents largely rely on the police to directly challenge organised criminals, most of the steps taken to challenge the impact of crime on communities and young people are tacitly undertaken by residents with a concern for their locality, and ambition to improve future opportunities.

'Flash cars' and ready cash

A final key narrative that emerged was the visibility of 'success' and ready income. Central to these themes is the continued visibility of successful criminals in local areas, exhibiting outward displays of success and disposable income. The symbolism of expensive 'flash' cars was pronounced in two of the case study sites, representing the presence, power, wealth, and success of organised crime. As one resident states: 'If you drive through, you're gonnae see Audis and Mercs [Mercedes Benz]. They don't belong to doctors. And the people that own those cars, local people know who they are and what they do'. Similarly, a police officer in a semi-urban embedded community noted that:

There's a guy in his twenties who drives around in a [car type], not worked a day in his life. That's gotta be an attraction to the kids – 'look at him, he doesn't have to work, he's protected by that person'… It's really obvious in terms of the cars on their drive, and they change them quite regularly. The lower-level ones are really quite flash about it, once they get above the level of street dealer (Police Office, Semi-Urban Embedded).

These symbols of wealth are more prominent and noticeable within the research fieldsites as there are comparatively high levels of deprivation in employment and income, and stands in stark contrast to the historical situation in the local area. This visibility can directly lead to people becoming involved in criminality. As one social worker and resident commented:

They drive about [area] with big fancy cars, giving out freebies and, before you know it, you're in it up to your eyeballs, you're dealing drugs for them and they're in your house. But these are things that these clients won't share with the police' (Social worker, National Diffuse).

The importance of material goods in shaping the approach of young people towards quick income emerged as a dominant theme. A female youth worker in a semi-urban embedded community explained that 'kids are getting the money into their hand and they're spending it and spending it and spending it, whether it be on a nice new tracksuit. So they're wanting mair, they're wanting mair aw the time so they end up so deep in, it's scary'.

These findings were supported by the prison-based focus groups, where young men with convictions stressed the attraction of money, lifestyle and the rush in a criminal lifestyle. One talked about how hard it had been when he was last released, on a curfew and working during the day, and the difficulties he had with maintaining a routine. He contrasted this with what his lifestyle was like when he was breaking into houses – stealing goods worth thousands of pounds in minutes.

Those working with younger people explained the difficulties in suggesting alternative paths due to the ready incomes that can be earned. One reflected:

We call it [community] economics, we're saying to the laddies 'you come and dae this course for five days a week and we'll gie you £55'. And the laddies are looking at you and goin, £55?... [They're] sitting wi' about four grand in their pocket. Like, it's, it's, that's what you're up against (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

In the context of high levels of poverty there was a perception among residents and stakeholders alike that a 'career' in organised crime was a viable route to wealth and success. As one resident reflected, the 'two biggest ways out of [area], to make money big, are football players and crime. And the most common one is criminality.'

A related factor is the prestige that can be gained through involvement in crime, interacting with notions of masculine 'respect' and toughness. This was more prominent in urban embedded fieldsites where organised crime has been embedded within communities over a period of time. One youth worker asserted that young people involved have 'got this kudos and this status and a lot of money because of what they're daein that they wouldnae [otherwise] have… [and] this is something they're … good at'. It was suggested that punishment is not seen as a deterrent but an expected risk of the lifestyle:

They, they've went to the jail, I think the most that they've sorta done's two year, but they're goin', 'ach two year's no bother, I'm coming out to fifty grand', know what I mean. They don't worry aboot the justice system (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, male aged 31-50).

A similar theme emerged in another urban embedded community, where one resident stated that organised criminals 'seem to catch media attention, and that makes them kinda folk legends. Sadly, in [area], people don't strive to be a doctor, or a policeman. They want to be a gangster'. As one resident explained, the opportunities for young people through crime can seem much greater than others available:

Cos growin up workin class, when you see somebody wi money, some people might say it's logical. If ye can get a lotta money for dealin drugs… And it's easy money if ye know the right people, cos there is a lot of substance abuse in [area], it is easy money, there's the demand (Community respondent, Urban Embedded, female aged 18-30).

It is important to note, however, that despite this perception there was evidence of an element of mythology surrounding these narratives. In one of the prison-based focus groups, participants referred to their involvement in local drug dealing as 'small-fry' and as 'foot-soldiers'. There was a sense that the group felt that they were low in the pecking order and that the real profits were being made and enjoyed elsewhere, while they spent time in prison.

Imprisonment, out-of-control lifestyles and addiction issues featured prominently in the accounts of individuals with experience of involvement in SOC. Another individual with lived experience of SOC described the ways in which relatively minor involvement could quickly lead to coercion to become more seriously involved. This suggests the need to communicate authentic and credible 'counter narratives' to young people on the cusp of organised criminal activity.

Summary

This chapter has outlined the narratives that were commonly repeated by residents and local stakeholders to explain involvement in crime, in particular organised crime. Long-term issues of poverty and inequality in communities across Scotland create particular vulnerabilities toward participation, concomitant with opportunities for financial and material gain, as well as the 'pull' of ready income, prestige and local reputation.

Emerging from this discussion is a clear indication of the multiple factors that contribute to individuals becoming involved in SOC. These are shaped by aspects including environment, culture, family, poverty, and opportunity. In each field site where the research was conducted, there are a range of ordinary residents working proactively to offer alternatives through youth groups, training programmes and social events. The dominant narrative from their perspective are the challenges posed by budgetary cuts to local groups and services, which has placed additional barriers for working with disadvantaged and vulnerable individuals to improve their opportunities and circumstances.

While local service providers saw the logic of participation clearly – 'flash cars', ready cash, and local prestige – the reality for those with lived experience was that only very few individuals attained material success. Nonetheless, the narrative presented in favour of organised crime is powerful and persuasive, particularly in communities with low levels of trust in police and other state agencies. This narrative presents an alternative way of envisaging the world in opposition to legitimate society and has roots in truths about experience of disadvantage and myths about how it can transform relative life chances.