Community Learning and Development in Scotland and Internationally - Literature Review

Findings

This section of the report explores the key themes identified by the literature review. Aligned to the thematic focus of the Independent Review, the analysis first considers the evidence on CLD learners. It sets out research on the barriers and enablers to participation in CLD, and then evidence on the outcomes of participation in CLD activity.

The report then considers the CLD workforce and delivery context. The analysis considers approach and values, what works in terms of supporting CLD staff and volunteers, as well as systemic challenges facing the sector. Finally, the discussion considers evidence on monitoring and evaluation within CLD.

Enablers to learner participation in CLD

There is extensive evidence on enablers to participation in CLD. Flexibility and adaptability in learning provision is identified across the literature as key to engaging learners, particularly in the context of ESOL and youth work. A review of ‘what works’ to improve adult basic skills (including literacy, numeracy, basic digital skills and ESOL) notes the importance of offering flexibility and variation in learning approach, design and setting, as well as pursuing active outreach (Learning and Work Institute, 2019a). The value of flexibility has also been extensively evidenced in relation to ESOL provision in Scotland, both in relation to how ESOL is delivered and what people study. Both Stella and Kay (2023) and Fisher et al. (2024) document the value of tailoring ESOL provision to the needs and interests of learners with diverse motivations and aspirations. In a study with ESOL learners in Glasgow, Slade and Dickson (2021) note that teachers were flexible about allowing learners to bring their young babies into the class, enabling mothers to engage. Research with Syrian refugees in Aberdeen similarly notes the need to flex ESOL provision depending on whether learners have learned in a classroom environment before (Rahbarikorroyeh, 2020). Indeed, recent research on refugee integration in Scotland highlighted that ESOL provision, in particular for new learners, must be delivered through a CLD model, with informal class provision outside the classroom an essential element of provision (Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher, 2022).

In a detailed literature review on the value of youth work across the European Union, the European Commission (2014) has highlighted the importance of flexibility in youth work provision, noting the importance of adapting provision to the needs of young people and pursuing active outreach. The authors cite an example of a youth work project in Portugal, which operates using an outreach model within local communities and schools to engage with children from minority and migrant backgrounds.

The value of empathetic and culturally competent practitioners is highlighted in Purcell (2022), which examines the implementation of a community learning initiative – Community Wise – in the north of England. Research with teaching staff on a programme for low-income adult learners in Ontario similarly noted the value of ensuring teaching was socially and culturally competent, and adapted to the specific needs of learners (Bourke et al., 2020). Supportive one-to-one relationships with staff are identified by the Learning and Work Institute (2019a) as an enabler to participation in adult learning.

There is substantial research on the value of relationships between youth work practitioners and young people (Elsen and Ord, 2023; Purcell, 2024). In research with young people ten years after their participation in youth work, Body and Hogg (2019) note the meaningful and long-lasting impact of relationships with staff. The authors observed that young people framed their experiences in relation to specific staff members, rather than the service they received. For participants in Purcell (2024), such relationships between youth workers and young people were fundamentally based on care. Participants described the nurturing and reciprocal nature of their professional relationships with young people, which enabled them to thrive. In a small study with community-based youth work practitioners in a Scottish inner-city neighbourhood, Fyfe and Mackie (2022) document existing evidence on the importance of developing personal relationships to youth work practice. The authors set out the role and significance of authenticity in developing such relationships with young people, discussing the value of genuine, open and honest practice, which centres the needs of the young person. Corney et al. (2021) note that for youth work to be genuinely participatory, youth workers need to become allies to young people, challenging ‘adultism’ – a sense of adult superiority – and challenging stereotypes and ingrained beliefs about young people.

The importance of a safe, trusting environment, where learners can access holistic support, is highlighted by the European Commission (2014) as an enabler to positive outcomes in youth work. The authors cite the example of a youth work project in Lithuania, which delivers holistic support to young people formerly addicted to drugs. The project supports young people to develop social and professional skills, but did so in a safe environment where learners could access all-round, holistic support. In their research with adult learners in college, Buchan and Warwick (2020) found that holistic support from Mental Health Advisers (MHAs)enabled adults with mental health issues to engage with learning. Support from MHAs was provided in relation to mental health, but also to assist learners with wider barriers to learning, such as accessing financial support. Research on ESOL shows that integrating additional services or support into the learning environment is an enabler to engagement. For example, Slade and Dickson (2021) note that a creche was provided onsite for ESOL learners in Glasgow, as well as a free hot meal in the onsite café. Research on refugee integration has highlighted that ESOL should be provided alongside accommodation, education and other services, to enable integration Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022).

The value of localised, contextually sensitive delivery in making learning accessible is highlighted in Purcell (2022), which notes that the community learning initiative Community Wise was delivered in ‘hyper-localised’ settings. This made Community Wise highly accessible and created a degree of separation from negative associations that learners may have had with formal education settings. A similar point is made in research by the Learning and Work Institute (2019a), which notes that using digital tools in adult learning could help create distance from negative experiences of using pen and paper at school. The authors also highlight the value of embedded or contextualised learning, linking learning to other priorities or areas of interest for the learner. In research with a grassroots, third-sector organisation with extensive experience in working in high-poverty neighbourhoods, Ward, McBride and Watson (2024) highlight the importance of trusting relationships developed in a safe, local environment for young people from such neighbourhoods. Young people could access creative and skills development opportunities, alongside emotional and practical support.

There is some evidence on the value of building partnerships between CLD providers and other services accessed by learners. The European Commission (2014) highlights the value of building partnership with other public services that young people access, citing examples of successful collaborations with schools and social workers. The Learning and Work Institute (2019a), also note the value of building referral networks and partnerships with other agencies who may engage with potential learners. Tett (2023a) notes the value of strong partnerships between adult learning practitioners, schools, and families. However, in her research with a detached youth work project based in a Scottish housing estate, Davidson (2020) notes that it is important for youth workers to develop a distinct identity from other public services, in particular police, who may be viewed as more punitive, in order to build relationships with young people.

There is evidence to suggest that putting learners’ priorities, interests and goals at the centre of provision can enable engagement. In the context of adult learning, Purcell (2022) notes that Community Wise ‘start[ed] where participants were at’, building provision on topics that participants were interested in, or using community food sessions as a means to engage learners. This approach was effective in engaging adult learners who may not otherwise have accessed formal learning opportunities. In research with adult literacy practitioners, Allat and Tett (2019) highlight that, for practitioners, good practice meant making sure that provision was centred upon learners’ goals, building on their existing strengths and identifying their priorities. In their research on adult basic skills provision, the Learning and Work Institute (2019a) note the value of tailoring programme design to learners’ needs and interests. The European Commission (2014) documents the importance of enabling young people to drive their own learning, setting goals, and making sure to recognise achievements. The authors cite the example of a youth work centre in Dublin, which enables young people to identify and pursue their own learning priorities. Discussing digital youth work, Pawluczuk (2020) notes that young people should be directly involved in the design of digital inclusion work for it to be genuinely meaningful.

Barriers to learner participation in CLD

There is less evidence on specific barriers to participation in community learning than enablers. There is a wider evidence base on barriers to participation in post-school learning more generally, as well as some insights specific to youth work, ESOL and adult learning.

A Scottish Government (2023c) literature review of lifelong learning identified a range of barriers to participation in learning. These include dispositional barriers, such as someone feeling ‘too old’ to learn, or lacking in confidence around online learning, or self-perception of ability. An individual’s past experiences of school or a classroom environment can be a barrier to engaging with learning (Buchan and Warwick, 2020; Duckworth and Tett, 2019). A lack of knowledge about learning opportunities or funding can also pose a barrier (Slade and Dickson, 2021). A Scottish Government (2023c) review also notes that barriers can be situational, such as personal or family circumstances or the pressures of work or other responsibilities. Slade and Dickson (2021) note the significant barrier that a lack of childcare can pose to migrant women engaging in ESOL learning, which is confirmed in Fisher et al. (2024) in the context of refugee and asylum-seeking women in Scotland.

Institutional factors can also operate as barriers to learning (Scottish Government 2023c). A lack of flexibility in provision is identified by Fisher et al. (2024) as a barrier to accessing ESOL, with the prioritisation of full-time ESOL classes described as a barrier to engagement for more vulnerable learners who prefer informal settings

There are structural barriers to participation. There is research to show that socio-economic inequalities manifest in educational attainment and achievement, and in lower levels of literacy and numeracy (Borgonovi and Pokropek, 2021; Bruine de Bruin and Slovic, 2021). There is evidence that poverty is a barrier to engaging with community learning (including adult learning, ESOL and youth work), for a range of reasons such as direct and indirect costs (e.g. transport and childcare), the need to prioritise paid work, and a lack of workspace at home (Buchan and Warwick, 2020; Slade and Dickson, 2021; Ward, McBride and Watson, 2024). Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022) have highlighted the negative impact that trauma, as well as gendered ideas about access to education, can have upon asylum seekers and refugees accessing ESOL.

What is the impact of CLD on learners?

There is extensive evidence on the impact of CLD, including community-based adult learning, ESOL and youth work upon learners. This section of the report is divided into three further subsections, exploring the personal and social, health and wellbeing, and educational and economic outcomes of participation in CLD activity.

Personal, social and community outcomes

There is some evidence on the personal outcomes that result from participation in adult learning. Two surveys carried out by the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA) (2024), each with over 3000 respondents across the UK, found that 51% reported an increase in self-confidence as a result of participation in learning. 31% felt more resilient. In a summary of evidence on the benefits of community-based adult learning, Tett (2023a) sets out a range of evidence showing the impact of adult learning on resilience and self-confidence. Research with adult learners in college found that learning changed how participants viewed themselves and gave them a feeling of purpose (Buchan and Warwick, 2020). Similarly, participants in community learning initiative Community Wise described improved self-esteem and confidence as a result of their participation in the programme (Purcell, 2022). Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022) share the comments of an ESOL learner in their research on this topic, which highlights the independence afforded by English learning, in terms of being able to do things like read emails, speak to a child’s school and make a GP appointment without assistance.

A series of studies on the impact of community-based universal youth work in Scotland have gathered extensive evidence on the personal impact of youth work, showing that it supports young people to improve confidence, build self-esteem, and have fun (Fyfe et al. 2018; YouthLink Scotland 2020a; YouthLink Scotland 2020b). These findings have been further confirmed in research with LGBT+ young people (LGBT Youth Scotland, 2023). The series of studies carried out by YouthLink Scotland and Fyfe et al. on universal community-based youth work are based on the stories of hundreds of young people across Scotland. The national study, with 129 Significant Change Stories collected from young people, found that 72% experienced increased confidence as a result of participation in youth work (Fyfe et al. 2018). Personal impacts also included an increased sense of self-worth and sense of identity. The Edinburgh based study, which engaged across 9 youth work organisations and gathered stories from 96 young people, found that 80% of participants felt their confidence had increased as a result of participation in youth work (YouthLink Scotland 2020b). One young person, cited in the Dumfries and Galloway based study, talked about the way in which youth work had helped them to build tolerance and confidence, despite coming from a ‘chaotic’ background (YouthLink Scotland 2020a). Similar findings are documented in research on youth work across the UK and Europe, showing that participation in youth work enhances confidence, improves self-determination, develops resilience, and enhances life skills (Body and Hogg (2019); European Commission, 2014; McGregor, 2015; Ord et al., 2022; Sonneveld et al. 2020).

The research discussed thoroughly documents the social impact of youth work in Scotland. 53% of participants in the national study mentioned previously reported that participation in youth work helped them feel equal and included, while 46% had developed friendships (Fyfe et al. 2018). Research with young people in Dumfries and Galloway found that 71% of youth work participants had been enabled to develop and maintain positive relationships. Of those, 51% had developed friendships and 34% had developed meaningful relationships with adults (YouthLink Scotland 2020a). The Edinburgh based study cites the experience of a young person who could barely speak to others and felt they had no friends when they first attended the group. A few years later, following regular attendance at a youth work group, the young person reported being better able to speak to people and deal with social situations, and felt they could apply these skills ‘in the real world’. Sonneveld et al. (2020) have documented the impact of youth work on socially vulnerable young people, finding that youth work enabled participants to meet new young people and gain access to peer support. A study by LGBT Youth Scotland and YouthLink Scotland highlighted the significance of digital youth work in reducing social isolation during the Covid-19 pandemic (LGBT Youth Scotland, 2020). The social impacts of youth work are confirmed in wider research across the UK and internationally (Body and Hogg, 2019; McGregor, 2015).

The is strong evidence on the social value of community-based adult learning, including in the Scottish context. In a study of adult learning and education in Scotland, Austria and Italy, Cennamo, Kastner and Tett (2024) document the ‘crucial’ role played by the social aspect of holistic adult learning provision. Tett (2023a) also sets out the social capital benefits of participation in adult learning. Purcell (2022) documents the role a community learning initiative played in reducing social isolation within the local community. Research by the WEA (2024) found that 70% of learners said they had mixed with people they wouldn’t normally, and 39% said their course helped them to make new friends. Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022) highlight the social and community role of ESOL provision, which plays a key role in enabling integration and intercultural dialogue in Scotland. Analysis of adult learning across Europe has highlighted the social value of provision, enabling learners to better engage in their communities and take part in civic activities (European Commission, 2020).

The community and civic value of CLD is well documented. Youth work in particular can play an important role in community safety, as is documented in research from across the UK. It is common for young people to report feeling ‘safe’ as a result of their participation in youth work (Fyfe et al. 2018; YouthLink Scotland 2020a; YouthLink Scotland 2020b). A small Master’s study with youth workers from across the Scottish Central Belt found that youth work played a significant role in reducing criminal behaviour among young people (Garza Figueroa, 2023). Research from across the UK reports similar findings, suggesting that participation in youth work can help divert young people away from violence and criminal activity (Commission on Young Lives, 2022). There is also evidence that youth work has a positive impact on the lives of marginalised young men, with the potential to contribute to violence reduction (YouthLink Scotland 2022c; Walsh and Ken 2019). A study of the economic value of youth work in England estimated an indirect value of £0.5 billion from decreased crime (Frontier Economics, 2022).

Youth work can also play a role in encouraging civic engagement and participation. In a small Master’s study with youth workers in Scotland, Velinovska (2020) found that youth work positively affected young people’s levels of political literacy. The European Commission (2014) have documented the role of youth work in providing young people with opportunities for civic participation, highlighting the role of youth parliaments across European counties. The role of municipal youth councils in Finland are also highlighted, which help to meet a legislative requirement to consult with young people about youth policies.

Research on ESOL shows the value of language learning in enabling civic participation. A recent review of labour and skills in the UK cites evidence to suggest that learning English enables migrants to better participate in civic life (Learning and Work Institute, 2019a). UK Government commissioned research on ESOL provision in England found that one of the motivations for migrants to learn English was to participate in civic life (Department for Education, 2019). Recent research with asylum seekers and refugees in Scotland noted that a lack of language skills – as well as wider understanding of processes in Scotland – could make refugees and asylum seekers feel as if they could not participate and influence processes in the same way as other citizens Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022).

The community impact of adult education is documented by the WEA (2024). This research found that 38% felt they had become more understanding of other cultures and 30% felt a sense of belonging to their community as a result of their course. There is evidence to show a positive association between participation in adult learning and civic engagement (Rüber, Rees and Schmidt-Hertha, 2018).

Health and wellbeing outcomes

There is extensive evidence on the impact of youth work on health and wellbeing. Longitudinal research with Scottish adults who attended youth development focused clubs in childhood, such as Scouts or Guides, found a beneficial association between attending such clubs and adult general health (Berrie et al., 2023). 39% of participants in YouthLink Scotland (2020b) reported improved physical and mental wellbeing as a result of their participation in youth work. A study of the economic value of youth work in England estimated an indirect value of £1.7 billion from improved health (Frontier Economics, 2022).

Evidence suggests that participation in youth work has a range of health and wellbeing benefits, as a result of the provision of information and guidance from youth workers, as well as referrals to other services (Sonneveld et al., 2020). Youth work organisations are well placed to offer support in relation to sensitive health issues such as sexual health and substance abuse (McGregor (2015). In their literature review of youth work across the European Union, European Commission (2014) rigorously documents the health and wellbeing impacts of youth work, noting that the contribution of youth work plays a role in protecting mental health, encouraging healthy eating, and suicide prevention. Young people report that youth work enabled them to access support with mental health issues such as anxiety, anger, and self-harm (Fyfe et al. 2018; YouthLink Scotland 2020a; YouthLink Scotland 2020b). Fyfe et al. 2018 documents several stories from young people describing how youth work supported their mental health, for example, providing support with grief and self-harm. Research with youth workers in central Scotland and north-east England has found that providing mental health support forms a substantial part of youth workers’ roles, and has become a key component of youth work practice after the pandemic (Ní Charraighe and Reynolds, 2024). YouthLink Scotland (2022a) have documented the important role youth work played in supporting the mental health and wellbeing of young people during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The health and wellbeing benefits of adult learning are also well documented. A UK Government review of evidence on learning throughout the life course extensively documents the physical health benefits of learning across the life course (Government Office for Science, 2017). The review cites evidence linking adult learning with smoking cessation, increased access to cervical screening, increased levels of exercise, better nutrition, lower risk of heart disease, and a reduction in substance abuse. The review also notes that there is evidence to suggest that the education of adults positively influences the education of their children and therefore their children’s health. Tett (2023a) sets out evidence on the health benefits of adult learning, including a positive impact on mental health. Tett (2023b) has also documented the positive impact of adult learning on mental health and wellbeing during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The WEA (2024) found that 83% of respondents reported improvement in their overall wellbeing as a result of participation in adult education and 74% said it helped to keep their mind active. 91% made fewer visits to the GP when compared with the national average. A small scale qualitative study with adults who had mental health problems studying at a college in London found that learning could improve participant's sense of wellbeing in a range of ways, including feeling more stimulated by studying and socialising opportunities, conveying a sense of purpose, and bringing about intellectual growth (Buchan and Warwick, 2020).

UK Government commissioned research on ESOL provision in England noted the importance of English language learning in enabling health literacy (Department for Education, 2019). The work of Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher (2022), discussed earlier, notes the role English language learning can play in enabling people to engage with health services.

As will be discussed further in the following section, adult learning plays a key role in improving literacy (Learning and Work Institute, 2019a). This in turn contributes to a range of improved outcomes, increased health literacy. This is true both for ESOL learners and native English speakers with low levels of literacy. UK Government commissioned research on ESOL provision in England noted the importance of English language learning in enabling health literacy (Department for Education, 2019). A recent qualitative study on the relationship between language proficiency and access to healthcare found that language barriers delayed access to healthcare services and the development of a relationship between the patient and their care provider (Pandey et al., 2021). Limited English proficiency undermined adherence to treatment and access to preventative services, delaying timely access to care and management of chronic conditions, ultimately leading to poor health outcomes. Analysis from the World Literacy Foundation (Cree, Kay and Steward, 2022) notes that those with low levels of literacy make poorer health choices because they struggle to read and understand information about their health.

Educational and economic outcomes

There is an ample evidence base on the impact of CLD upon educational and economic outcomes. Research suggests CLD enables learners to develop the basic skills they need to learn and work, as well as providing them with holistic support to engage with education and the labour market.

The role of adult learning in improving basic skills (defined here as literacy, numeracy, basic digital skills, and ESOL) among adults is documented by the Learning and Work Institute (2019a). The authors cite longitudinal research from the US showing a strong positive relationship between participation in basic skills programmes and changes in literacy and numeracy practices.

It should be noted that there is no up to date data on adult literacy in Scotland. The most recent survey of adult literacy in Scotland found that approximately 27% of the population faced occasional challenges and constrained opportunities due to their literacy skills (Scottish Government, 2010). Within this 27%, approximately 4% faced serious challenges related to literacy. The Scottish Government has never measured adult numeracy, however analysis carried out by Franklin (2021) found that 56% of adults in Scotland had low numeracy skills. There is limited information provided on the surveys used to derive this conclusion, so the reliability of the methodology cannot be confirmed.

The most recent results from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) found that, on average, 20% of the EU adult population had low literacy and numeracy skills (European Commission, 2013). Scotland does not participate in PIAAC. There is evidence of the impact of adult learning upon progression into further learning, although this is limited in the Scottish context. A longitudinal study of English and maths learners on Skills for Life funded courses found that 50% of English learners and 48% of maths learners attend a subsequent course during the year after completing their funder course (Department for Education, 2018). Purcell (2022) notes that over 50% of participants in a community learning programme in the north of England – Community Wise – progressed onto other Community Wise courses. Nearly 50% of participants progressed onto ‘mainstream’ courses. As well as evidence of progression into further learning, adult learners report intellectual development. Participants in (Buchan and Warwick, 2020) noted that they had experienced intellectual growth from participation in adult learning. 34% of participants in WEA (2024) surveys on participation in WEA courses said they had developed their critical thinking skills as a result.

The educational benefits of adult learning can have generational repercussions. WEA (2024) found that 48% of learners on their courses encouraged their children/ grandchildren to learn more, while 24% reported increased confidence in helping children with reading, writing or maths. Slade and Dickson (2021) note that one of the motivating factors for mothers attending ESOL classes was to be able to help their children with homework. A desire to help children with homework has been reported elsewhere as a motivation for participating in ESOL (Department for Education, 2019). Allatt and Tett (2018) cite the example of a literacy learner who had gained so much confidence from her course that she had started volunteering at her child’s school, listening to and encouraging children with reading. Tett (2023a) also notes the role that adult learning practitioners can play in enabling parents to get involved in their child’s school.

There is substantial evidence on the role of youth work in supporting young people in Scotland to achieve and progress into further learning. Localised studies in Edinburgh have shown the positive impact of youth work on young people who are at risk of exclusion or have had negative experiences of school (Easton, 2020; McPherson, 2020). These finding are confirmed in Sonneveld et al. (2022), which found that the individual guidance provided by youth workers could support young people to engage with school and reduce the likelihood of them dropping out. An assessment of the Youth Work Education Recovery Fund documented the role of youth work in supporting education recovery following the Covid-19 pandemic (YouthLink Scotland, 2022b). The research engaged extensively with young people, teachers, parents, youth workers and other partners over the course of the programme. The findings showed that 78% of participating young people overcame barriers to learning, while 61% of young people were more engaged in learning. 37% of young people achieved recognition of wider achievement attainment, such as youth awards. A small number of participating projects measured additional outcomes, showing that 96% of young people improved their literacy and numeracy and 55% showed improvements in school attendance.

The series of studies on youth work in Scotland mentioned previously document the role of youth work in developing skills for life, as well as gaining accredited/achievement awards (Fyfe et al. 2018; YouthLink Scotland 2020a; YouthLink Scotland 2020b). 68% of participants who took part in the Dumfries and Galloway based study were able to describe the progression routes available to them. One third ended up in a positive destination, like work, training, education or volunteering, as a result of their participation in youth work (YouthLink Scotland 2020a). 46% of participants in the Edinburgh based study ‘achieved’ in some way, whether progressing to positive destinations, gaining qualifications, or setting goals for the future (YouthLink Scotland, 2020b). The kinds of qualifications attained by young people included first aid, John Muir, Baden Powell Award, Duke of Edinburgh, Guiding Gold awards, as well as youth work and mentoring qualifications and apprenticeships

As highlighted above, the role of CLD in enabling learners to access further learning and develop basic skills is closely related to the employment outcomes of CLD, because it is enhanced skill levels than enable people to secure work. The holistic nature of CLD also supports learners to think about career aspirations, gain the confidence to apply for roles, and provides practical help with the recruitment process.

This is evidenced in research on adult learning. 42% of participants in WEA (2024) surveys reported that they had gone on to further education or work, while 24% of employed learners said their learning experience helped them to get a pay rise or promotion. Learning and Work Institute (2019a) cites evidence of participation in literacy and numeracy programmes made participants feel more ready for work. Similar findings are reported in Buchanan and Warwick (2020). Purcell, (2022) reports that over 60 participants in a community learning initiative progressed to paid employment. He cites the example of a young woman who had previously had a successful career and family, but who ended up out of work and on benefits, and then experienced significant mental health problems as a result. After participating in a community learning initiative, she felt that regained balance in her life, was able to return to work and began studying mindfulness and yoga. Tett (2023a) notes the role that adult learning can play in incremental progression towards a learner’s goals, which can enable them to take on bigger life changes, like a new job.

Evidence on a direct link between accessing ESOL and gaining employment is limited. However, research indicates that migrants view learning English as important to access work (Learning and Work Institute, 2019a), as well as on-the-job English learning (Phipps, Aldegheri and Fisher, 2022). Notably, Phipps and colleagues also highlight the structural barriers that asylum seekers and refugees face when looking for work, even when highly skilled and with high levels of English proficiency.

While noting that some evidence on adult education is fragmented, and that there is a need for further investigation, Desjardins (2019) concludes that adult education has positive impacts on several labour market outcomes, including enhancement of employment and career prospects, of performance and earnings, of job satisfaction and commitment to work, and of innovative capacities.

Turning to youth work, research shows that the flexible and person-centred nature of youth work provision supports the delivery of effective and impactful career guidance, enabling young people to explore different career options (European Commission, 2014; McPherson, 2020). Many of the young people who participated in Fyfe et al. (2018) linked the skills they developed through youth work with future career aspirations. Opportunities like taking part in the Duke of Edinburgh’s Award built young people’s confidence to pursue their interests and think about future destinations. Fyfe et al. (2018) cite several examples of young people using skills learned through youth work to apply for work, or accessing support from youth workers to explore work opportunities. Similarly, YouthLink (2020b) documents the different ways in which youth work enabled young people to access work, for example, using new-found confidence to apply for jobs or carrying out practice interviews. A study of the economic value of youth work in England estimated an indirect value of £0.8 billion from increased education and employment (Frontier Economics, 2022).

Learners: summary of key findings

This section of the report has shown:

• That there is extensive evidence on enablers to participation in CLD, including:
  • Flexibility and adaptability
  • Culturally competent and empathetic practitioners
  • Safe, trusting environment
  • Localised delivery and proactive outreach
  • Partnerships between CLD providers and other services
  • Learned-focussed delivery
• That there is some evidence on barriers to participation in CLD, including:
  • Dispositional barriers, such as how confident the learner feels
  • Situational barriers, such as existing work commitments
  • Structural barriers, such as poverty

This section has also set out the impacts of CLD.

• In relation to personal and social outcomes this includes:
  • Improved confidence and self-esteem
  • Improved sense of identity and self-worth
  • Opportunities to have fun
  • Opportunities to make friends and develop social skills
  • Making young people feel safe and enhancing safety in communities
  • Increasing civic engagement and participation
• In relation to health and wellbeing outcomes this includes:
  • Improved health literacy
  • Improved mental health and wellbeing
  • Extensive physical health benefits
  • Support for young people in relation to sexual health and substance use
• In relation to education and employment outcomes this includes:
  • Enabling people to develop the skills they need for life and work, such as literacy, numeracy, digital skills and ESOL.
  • Providing an alternative means to learn basic skills for young people who face barriers to engaging with school.
  • Providing holistic support with accessing education and employment opportunities, such as help with filling in applications.

CLD workforce and delivery context

This section of the report focusses on policy and funding context within which CLD operates and the role of the CLD workforce. The discussion is split into four subsections exploring values and approaches, what works in terms of supporting the CLD workforce (including volunteers), systemic challenges faced by the workforce, and monitoring and evaluation.

The most recent source of data on the CLD workforce in Scotland is a CLD Standards Council (CLDSC) report on local authority CLD budget allocations. The report found that there were 1057.5 FTE CLD staff employed in local authorities (CLDSC, 2023).

An earlier survey with CLD practitioners found that there were an estimated 21,000 (full and part-time) paid practitioners in CLD roles across Scotland (Education Scotland and CLDSC, 2018), however this was an estimate based on several assumptions. The majority of the workforce were employed in the third sector (approx. 18,000 staff). The report found that there were also 2800 CLD volunteers deployed by local authorities, while an earlier survey reported approximately 44,000 volunteers working across the CLD sector (Education Scotland, 2015b). The CLDSC report notes the number of CLD staff in local authorities has been declining and that volunteers play a key role in the delivery of CLD.

CLD values and approaches

There is much evidence based on the values and approaches underpinning CLD delivery, and the tensions that can be present between a social justice approach to CLD and the results-driven approach often favoured by funders and policymakers. Bourke et al. (2020) uses the term ‘deficit ideology’ to describe the way in which policymakers can frame learning a means to ‘fix’ the issues experienced by marginalised individuals. Inherent to such an approach is a focus on targeted CLD provision, directed at addressing barriers or issues experienced by people from particular groups or backgrounds (Purcell, 2022). In contrast, there is evidence that practitioners value and adopt a social justice and universal approach to the delivery of CLD, starting from a position of recognising and building on the learner’s strengths, rather than focussing on what they lack (Bourke et al., 2020; Cennamo, Kastner and Tett, 2024). A social justice approach also means practitioners are cognisant of the structural inequalities that affect learners, and try to make teaching socially and culturally competent (Bourke et al., 2020).

There is extensive research from across CLD to suggest in Scotland, the UK, and internationally, CLD can be viewed by policymakers as a means to address socio-economic problems and encourage people into the labour market (Allatt and Tett, 2018; Bourke et al., 2020; Brown, 2021; Fraser, 2020; Fyfe et al. 2018; Fyfe and Mackie, 2022; Kersh and Laczik, 2021; Ward, McBride and Watson, 2024). These analyses identify a shift in policy language around CLD in recent decades, with authors suggesting CLD provision is framed through a neoliberal lens.

Neoliberalism is a political ideology which views the world through an economic lens and centres on the importance of the free market. A neoliberal approach to CLD therefore means learning would be valued because of the impact it can have on skills development and employability and, as a result, economic growth (Allatt and Tett, 2018; de St Croix, 2018). The focus is on individual change, responsibility and choice, and can overlook the social contexts that shape and inform a person’s experiences and opportunities (Ward, McBride and Watson, 2024). For practitioners, there is a focus on occupational and organisational professionalisation, with a shift towards target driven and managerial practice (Fraser, 2023). This approach is in contrast to the social justice values underpinning CLD, which, as discussed, means that practitioners prioritise the needs and wants of the learner, and take into account their social and economic background.

There is evidence that the strong policy focus on employability has affected CLD delivery. In the context of adult literacy provision in Scotland and northern England, Allatt and Tett (2018) have written in depth about the prioritisation of skills-related education, focused on economic growth. As well as analysis of the EU and UK contexts, they cite Scottish Government policy documents to evidence the linkage made between skills development and productivity, framing a lack of [literacy] skills as an individual weakness that limits an individual’s contribution to the economy. Allatt and Tett (2018) discuss the impact of austerity upon literacy learners, with many mandated to attended literacy courses by the Job Centre. This is in opposition to the learner empowerment ethos of CLD, and the authors report that programmes for learners in such situations were often narrowly focussed on employment skill outcomes, which neither took into account learners’ goals nor life experiences.

In the context of adult learning in prisons, Galloway (2019; 2021) discusses tensions in the provision of prisoner education, between a framing of education as a right or, alternatively, as a means of rehabilitation and, ultimately, re-entry to the labour market. While noting that, more recently, social practice approaches have been embedded within contracting for prison learning and skills, the author questions whether a social practice-based prison education can truly be aligned with the criminal justice view on education as serving a rehabilitative function.

In the context of ESOL, Brown (2017; 2019) has discussed the way the employability agenda has impacted upon provision in Scotland. Discussing the college context, he argued that a ‘preoccupation’ with employability and economic development had undermined college managers’ abilities to address the objectives of the Scottish ESOL Strategy. A further study with ESOL practitioners found that the emancipatory impact of ESOL was affected by a focus on individual change and empowerment, directed towards helping students improve their own position in society (Brown, 2019). Practitioners felt ESOL learning materials were overly prescriptive as a result, limiting the flexibility identified as so valuable in earlier discussion.

Ward, McBride and Watson, (2024) discuss the impact of outcome drive approaches on the delivery of youth work, describing the pressure to achieve concrete outcomes from young people within unrealistic time scales. Fyfe and Mackie (2022) document similar findings in their research with youth workers in a Scottish city, noting that youth workers operate under pressure to provide target and outcome-based evidence to funders, which takes time away from their capacity to meet young people’s immediate demands. The authors highlight pressure on practitioners to orient practice towards employability, which can undermine relationship building with young people. Writing in the context of digital youth work, Pawluczuk (2020) suggests that the need to demonstrate impact to funders has prompted a shift towards teaching young people functional and easily quantifiable digital skills, over supporting them to develop critical thinking skills when using digital technologies and making decisions about digital data collection.

Despite the challenges set out above, there is evidence that much CLD delivery continues to reflect a holistic approach, which considers the learner’s wider socio-cultural position Kersh and Laczik (2021) draw on both the desk study and empirical findings of the EduMAP Horizon 2020 research project, which explored issues of adult education and young adults at risk of social exclusion. The authors discuss two case studies - ESOL provision in an Adult Education College in South London and a mentoring project with care experienced young adults in Scotland. In both cases the authors note that policy narratives around economic progression have permeated provision, with a focus on language-learning or skills development to enable learners to find work. However, they also highlight the broader socio-cultural focus of both programmes, enabling ESOL learners to integrate into society and young adult participants to develop confidence and social skills. The authors suggest policy approaches to CLD should better reflect this holistic approach.

Supporting the workforce and volunteers

There is some evidence on what works in terms of supporting the CLD workforce and volunteers, including detailed evidence on the Scottish context.

There is some, limited evidence on attraction and retention of the CLD workforce. The previously mentioned Education Scotland and CLDSC (2018) survey highlights that the CLD workforce is aging and, at the time of writing in 2018, 25% of staff planned to leave in the next 2 to 5 years. In recent Masters dissertation research, Wilson (2023) explores motivations for further learning among those working in the CLD sector, building on previous research on attracting young people into the CLD workforce. The research shows that role models and mentors could play a key role in developing a young person’s understanding of the CLD profession. It also suggests that more formalised support structures would enable discussions on career paths within CLD as early as possible in their roles. The research recommends that the CLDSC continue work to ensure minimum levels of provision of CLD learning programmes, and that investment in modern apprenticeships would benefit the sector, providing a steppingstone into a CLD degree.

Once in the workforce, the importance of a good induction process is highlighted in Martin (2023), another small Masters dissertation project looking at career progression among CLD professionals in Scotland. 4 of the 6 respondents had received no or limited induction. Respondents identified several factors that could improve induction, including the opportunity to learn more about the practical application of professional practice within their role, and support in relation to their practice and career development. Discussing engagement with ESOL volunteers, Jarvis (2020) also notes the importance of a robust induction.

Access to support and supervision is identified as valuable across the literature. Volunteers in Jarvis (2020) noted the value of regular supervision and support (including to develop lessons), as well as observation and feedback. Martin (2023) reports that access to support and supervision among respondents was mixed, with some able to access regular support in relation to wellbeing, achievement and professional development. However, this was inconsistent across practitioners and could depend on the individual manager.

Access to training and opportunities for professional development are identified as important. The CLDSC staff survey mentioned earlier reports evidence of an emerging skills gap among the CLD workforce, with unmet staff development needs (Education Scotland and CLDSC, 2018). A youthwork workforce survey carried out by Youth Scotland sets out in detail the value of training for youth workers, enabling them feel more confident dealing with safeguarding issues, talking to young people about mental health, and using first aid (Youth Scotland, 2023). The survey reports considerable demand for training among practitioners.

Based on his findings and a review of relevant literature, Martin (2023) concludes that there is strengthened evidence to show a lack of professional learning culture and ethos within Scottish local authority CLD services. He also notes that there appears to be limited knowledge and recognition of the professional competence framework and the requirements of CLD Standards Council registration among local authority HR services.

Systemic challenges affecting the CLD sector

While alluded to throughout the discussion, it is helpful to explicitly set out the evidence on areas of systemic difficulty within the CLD sector.

Reduced funding for CLD is once such challenge. Data collected by the CLDSC (2023) suggests that the funding landscape for CLD in Scotland is complex and unstable, with a reliance on external funding sources. The analysis suggests a net loss of £973, 996 in CLD local authority budget allocations between 2022/23 and 2023/24. Elsewhere, evidence collated by the European Commission (2019) notes insufficient funding as a challenge for the delivery of adult education across EU member states. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (2022) report that spending on adult education and apprenticeships in England fell by 38% between 2010–11 and 2020–21.

Looking to evidence from specific CLD sectors, in their research on adult literacy programmes in Scotland and northern England, Allat and Tett (2018) have reported on decreasing funding for literacy programmes in colleges, local authorities and the voluntary sector, which has required providers to seek alternative funding or reduce provision, diminishing the amount of flexibility they can offer. Concern has been raised about a move away from ringfencing for adult literacies funding in Scotland (Galloway, 2016). There is limited detailed evidence on adult literacy and numeracy provision in Scotland, but, a 2015 report by Education Scotland (2015a) assessed progress against the Scottish Government strategy for adult literacies until 2020. When asked why survey respondents felt that access to literacy provision had changed in the previous five years, 37.7% said they felt that changes were due to decreased funding. Drawing on data accessed via FOI requests to local authorities (which is acknowledged by the author to be incomplete), Galloway (2016) expresses concern about a significant decline in adult literacy learner and tutor numbers.

Stella and Kay (2023) and Fisher et al. (2024) document concern about the underfunding of ESOL in Scotland, particularly for non-accredited or informal learning. Stella and Kay (2023) note that changes to the Scottish Funding Council (SFC) funding model for ESOL in 2018 encouraged the prioritisation of formalised and accredited learning, reflecting similar concerns about funding pathways for ESOL documented in Meer, Peace and Hill (2019). Stella and Kay (2023) note that the change in funding model did not necessarily align with the social practice model traditionally underpinning community ESOL provision. The authors suggest that this change in funding resulted in more stringent, outcome focussed reporting requirements, creating a substantial administrative burden for smaller, community-based providers. Youth Scotland’s (2023) youth work workforce survey reported that 69% of respondents said that they face funding insecurity for their organisation.

As well as potentially reducing availability of services, reduced funding has wider impacts on the delivery of CLD. In their study of adult learning provision in Scotland, Austria and Italy, Cennamo, Kastner and Tett (2024) note that increased administration and bureaucracy takes staff away from delivery. As funding sources reduce, and providers have to apply for funding from a much wider range of sources, the paperwork burden increases. (Slade and Dickson (2021) note that aspirational policies require stable and sufficient funding. Similarly, Ward, McBride and Watson (2024) describe the loss of relationships and expertise due to precarious contracts, as well as the challenges of planning long-term evaluation within the context of short-term funding cycles.

Related to this is the issue of sustaining and supporting the CLD workforce.

Youth Scotland’s (2023) workforce survey highlight the challenges created by uncertain funding. Uncertainty creates anxiety within the workforce, which can inhibit the delivery of good quality provision. The survey findings report fluctuating staff numbers across CLD services and reduced numbers of volunteers. 69% of respondents said they were dealing with a higher-than-normal workload. Education Scotland and CLDSC (2018) report high levels of passion and dedication among the CLD workforce, but also report that many staff have high stress levels. Many staff felt that there was a gap between the needs of the communities they serve and the resources available. The report also highlights issues over limited ethnic diversity within the workforce and a gender pay gap.

Finally, the context of poverty and marginalisation within which CLD operates is highlighted throughout the literature. In particular, some sources highlight a perceived expectation from policy makers that CLD can ‘solve’ socio-economic problems. Research with community learning providers in Ontario notes that teaching practices alone are unable to address the complex socio-economic conditions that students from marginalised communities experience (Bourke et al., 2020). While recognising the value of CLD in empowering learners, especially those from disadvantaged backgrounds, the evidence notes the limited capacity of the CLD sector alone to solve structural problems (Kersh and Laczik, 2021). Ord and Monks (2022) have documented the role youth work organisations play in mitigating food poverty, in many cases under the guise of ‘health eating’ programmes to align with historic policy priorities.

Monitoring and evaluation

There is some, limited data on specific monitoring and evaluation approaches that can be used in CLD. Indeed, evidence collated by the European Commission (2019) notes that there are challenges in effective use of data across the EU adult learning sector. Building on earlier discussion about the influence of neo-liberal ideas on CLD, there is evidence of a divide between the underpinning values and ethos of CLD, and the outcome-driven monitoring approaches often preferred by policymakers and funders.

The challenges of outcome focussed monitoring are reported across the literature. A literature review on universal youth work highlights that a focus on outcomes alone misses the intrinsic value of youth work processes and activities (European Commission (2014). In the Scottish context, Ward, McBride and Watson (2024) describe the challenges such an approach can create for youth work. Practitioners highlighted that the very gradual process of building trust with young people, which was not easy to translate into measurable outcomes. Practitioners described managing tensions with funders, who were seeking more concrete and easily measurable results. Davidson (2020) reports similar findings in her research with a detached youth work project operating in a Scottish housing estate. She notes the pressure on youth work interventions to deliver outcomes and the challenges of extensive reporting requirements for multiple funders. Davidson also notes the challenges of gathering outcome monitoring data from already marginalised young people, noting that practitioners felt they had to ask young people about issues they wouldn’t have raised otherwise. Practitioners felt that target driven work undermined their ability to determine the young person’s actual needs or priorities. de St Croix (2018) notes that open youth work is particularly unsuited to measurement because of its open-ended and informal nature. The types of activities that youth work involves can appear ‘chaotic’ to an outsider, but are essential in bringing about the personal and social outcomes detailed earlier.

Similar findings are reported in relation to adult learning. Discussing prison education, Galloway (2021) notes that the primary performance indicator for prison learning providers is the number of prisoners attending classes. Attenders literacy and numeracy skills are assessed using a screening tool, but to date an assessment of literacy levels of the wider prison population has not been attempted. Respondents in Allatt and Tett’s (2018) research with literacy practitioners in the UK found that the kind of outcomes they were expected to report on had changed following the UK Government’s austerity programme, with a focus on measurable and concrete outcomes, rather than the development of soft skills, such as confidence. Such outcomes are more challenging to assess and record. The authors found that practitioners specifically sought out funders who provided more flexibility on outcomes, rather than looking for measurable increases in literacy or progression to other learning.

There is some evidence on types of evaluation and monitoring that can be better suited to the empowerment and learner-centred focus of CLD. The research recognises the value of evaluation, and the importance of assessing the investment of public funds, but puts forward ways to do this that do not solely focus on concrete, measurable outcomes, in particular those related to education and employment destinations. In research with youth workers across England, de St Croix (2018) puts forward alternative approaches to evaluation. She notes the value of creative, bottom-up forms of evidence gathering, citing the example of a project that used a story-telling methodology. This involved practitioners and/or young people meeting to engage in collective processes of critical questioning and reflection on stories from their experiences. She notes that this approach has been used by local authorities and voluntary sector organisations across the UK, and internationally by youth workers in Ireland, Japan and Scandinavia. Reporting on a three year study of impact, evaluation and accountability in youth work, de St Croix and Doherty (2022) notes that evaluation should be flexible and adaptable, and that young people and youth workers should be central to entire process of evaluation, from design to review.

The series of studies into Scottish youth work discussed throughout this review use a Transformative Change Evaluation methodology (Cooper, 2012), which is based on a reflective conversation between a young person and the youth worker (LGBT Youth Scotland 2020). Such an approach aims to create a dialogue between the young person, youth worker and stakeholders, and is consistent with the values and approach of youth work (Fyfe et al. 2018). Each of the studies collected ‘Significant Change Stories’, which centre on what the young person feels is important about their participation in and experience of youth work.

There is also some evidence on how social metrics can be used to better evidence ‘soft’ outcomes in CLD, such as improved confidence or reduced isolation. The Learning and Work Institute (2019b) have conducted research on the use of social metrics to measure the outcomes of non-accredited learning. Social metrics are a way of measuring the impact of an intervention on areas like health and wellbeing, confidence, and relationships. They often involve the participant describing how they feel before and after an intervention, to measure change. The analysis involved trialling a series of different metrics with 10 adult education providers across England. The findings showed that, with strategic planning, staff buy-in and capacity, and appropriate training and support, social metrics can be implemented effectively and used to demonstrate the value of funding in adult learning. The authors suggest that such metrics are most effectively used to generate a sample across provision, rather than for specific programmes. The latter approach could encourage unhelpful comparisons between courses and judgement on the relative value of adult learning provision.

CLD workforce and delivery context: summary of key findings

This section of the report has shown:

• There is a range of evidence on the values underpinning CLD and approaches to delivery
  • There can be a tension between the social justice values of CLD and the outcome driven approach often prioritised by policymakers and funders
  • Research highlights the influence of neoliberal discourse on CLD, in terms of a focus on the individual and their contribution to the economy
  • That this can affect delivery of CLD and the way in which practitioners engage with learners
• Some evidence, including on the Scottish context, identifies what works in terms of supporting CLD practitioners and volunteers
  • Various approaches could improve recruitment and progression within the CLD workforce, including mentoring, formalised support with career development at an early stage, minimum levels of provision, and modern apprenticeships
  • Good induction is important for both staff and volunteers
  • Practitioners and volunteers value ongoing support and supervision, as well as regular feedback
  • Access to training and development opportunities is important, and there is demand for this across the sector
• The evidence identifies systemic issues affecting the CLD sector and workforce:
  • Funding is a challenge across the sector and affects providers’ capacity to deliver aspirational change
  • Reduced funding affects staff retention and morale, which in turn affects delivery
  • CLD operates in a structural context of poverty and marginalisation, and, while making an impact, cannot ‘solve’ these issues alone
• There are challenges in monitoring and evaluation CLD in a way that aligns with a learner-centred and empowering approach
  • Outcome-centred monitoring and evaluation is often favoured by policymakers and funders, but does not effectively capture the impact of CLD and is often contrary to the underpinning ethos of the profession
  • Outcome-driven monitoring and evaluation can undermine or present a barrier to engagement with learners
  • Creative and bottom-up approaches, such as Transformative Evaluation, can offer an alternative approach to gathering data on CLD
  • Social metrics could provide a means by which to measure the ‘soft’ outcomes of CLD