An Examination of the Evidence on Sectarianism in Scotland: 2015 Update

Section 1: Religion In Scotland And Perceptions Of The Extent Of Sectarianism

Summary

• The 2011 census provides evidence of further secularisation of Scottish society since 2001, with a substantial increase in the proportion of people who say they have no religion (from 28% in 2001 to 37% in 2011). Between 2001 and 2011 there was a further decline in the proportion of people identifying as 'Church of Scotland' from 42 to 32 per cent of the population, whereas the proportion who identified as Roman Catholic stayed the same (at 16 per cent).
• Perceptions of sectarianism in Scotland are still strong. The vast majority (88%) of people in Scotland believe that sectarianism is a problem, although 69% of people think it is a problem only in parts of the country and only 19% people think that it is a problem throughout Scotland.
• It is more commonly perceived as a problem in Glasgow and the west of Scotland.
• There is evidence of perceived improvement in relationships and almost half of people in Scotland think that relationships between Catholics and Protestants have improved over the last ten years.
• There are some perceptions of job discrimination against Catholics and Protestants - 24% of survey respondents think this happens 'some' or 'a lot' of the time to Catholics, and 17% to Protestants.
• When asked about Scotland as a whole, most survey respondents didn't think that it was likely that either Catholics or Protestants would be harassed or threatened because of their religious identity, but 35% thought it very or quite likely that Catholics would experience such treatment, while 28% thought the same for Protestants. However, when asked about harassment in their own area, lower proportions said this was a problem (9% for Catholics and 8% for Protestants). Thus for many, sectarianism is viewed as a problem that happens elsewhere in Scotland
• People living in the most deprived areas of Scotland are more likely than those living in more affluent areas to think that harassment of both Protestants and Catholics is very or quite likely in their area.
• Football is the most commonly mentioned factor people believe contributes to sectarianism in Scotland (88% mentioned it, and 55% thought it was the main factor). The next most commonly mentioned contributory factors were Loyalist (including Orange Order) marches (79% mentioned it, and 13% thought it the main factor) and Irish Republican marches (70% mentioned it, and 3% thought it the main factor).
• The qualitative research found gender to be an important factor both in terms of sectarian behaviour, and sectarian victimisation. The examples of sectarian behaviour that were raised in the study were usually about male proponents - in pubs and drinking settings, as well as within family life.
• The research found that perceptions of sectarianism were sometimes inherited from older generations, and from earlier eras, and were sometimes perceived as the source of the more bitter examples of sectarian feelings. The research also found examples of historical sectarian prejudice that lived long in the memory.

Introduction

This section first of all sets out evidence on religious affiliation in Scotland before considering evidence about what people in Scotland think sectarianism is: the form it takes and its prevalence, causes and what might be done to reduce it.

Religion in Scotland

The 2011 census data on religious affiliation (see table 1 below) shows that there has been a further secularisation of Scottish society since 2001, with a substantial increase in the proportion of people who say they have no religion (from 28% in 2001 to 37% in 2011). Between 2001 and 2011 there was a further decline in the proportion of people identifying as 'Church of Scotland' from 42 to 32 per cent of the population, whereas the proportion who identified as Roman Catholic stayed the same (at 16 per cent).

Table 1: Religion in Scotland, 2001 and 2011

	2001	2011	Change in number 2001 to 2011
No religion	28%	37%	532,000
Church of Scotland	42%	32%	-428,000
Roman Catholic	16%	16%	37,000
Religion not stated	5%	7%	89,000
Other Christian	7%	5%	-56,000
Muslim	0.8%	1.4%	34,000
Hindu	0.1%	0.3%	11,000
Other religion	0.2%	0.3%	7,000
Buddhist	0.1%	0.2%	6,000
Sikh	0.1%	0.2%	2,000
Jewish	0.1%	0.1%	-1,000

Source: 2001 and 2011 census^{[3] [4]}

However, in consideration of these figures it is important to reiterate caveats cited in the 2013 review of the evidence on sectarianism highlighted by Clegg and Rosie regarding survey data on religion: that levels of religious affiliation and the proportions of people who say they have 'no religion' tend to vary across surveys^[5]. This is largely dependent on the context and the way in which the question is phrased. For example a higher proportion of people tend to say they have 'no religion' in response to the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey question 'Do you regard yourself as belonging to any particular religion' (44% in 2014^[6]) when compared with the 2011 Scottish Census question (which arguably contains more of an assumption of religious belonging): 'What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?' (37% in 2011). Higher proportions also said they considered themselves as belonging to the Church of Scotland or were Roman Catholic in the census compared with the attitudes survey (although it is worth noting that the proportions who say they belong to the Catholic church tend to be similar regardless of the survey in question i.e. 14% according to the 2014 attitudes survey compared with 16% in the 2011 Census). A further caveat which should be borne in mind is that religious affiliation does not necessarily equate to religious behaviour, practice or beliefs and may be based on people's perception of their cultural belonging or religious upbringing.

Perceptions of sectarianism

Turning now to perceptions of sectarianism, until recently, one of the most useful sources of evidence on this subject was a study commissioned by Glasgow City Council^[7] and published in 2003. This was a survey of a representative sample of 1,000 adults in Glasgow and interviews with key stakeholders and interest groups.

Apart from evidence of reported experiences of sectarianism, this study found evidence of common perceptions of sectarian discrimination. A high proportion of those surveyed (approximately two thirds) believed that sectarian discrimination was alive and well in Scotland.

This discrimination was perceived to exist in jokes, abuse, vandalism, violence, threats, intimidation and harassment. Although institutional sectarianism was perceived to be less common, a quarter of respondents felt that it was very or quite common for people not to get jobs or promotion because of their religion and a fifth felt that it was very or quite common for the police to treat people differently due to their religion. These perceptions were reportedly connected to behaviour, and 1 in 20 people said that they excluded themselves from particular areas of Glasgow because of their religion, and a similar proportion because of football allegiance.

In 2014, the Scottish Government commissioned the Scottish Centre for Social Research (ScotCen) to update and broaden the evidence on the perceptions of sectarianism in Scotland through a module of questions in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2014 (the report on these findings was published as Public Attitudes to Sectarianism in Scotland (Scottish Government, 2015). For the purpose of this report these findings are referred to as Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2014.

The Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2014 involved 1,501 interviews with a representative sample of the Scottish population (a response rate of 54%). Interviews were conducted face-to-face in people's homes, with the more sensitive questions completed anonymously by respondents. The survey was weighted to ensure that it reflected the sex and age profile of the Scottish population.

The study explored attitudes and beliefs in relation to a number of issues including: religion and football ties; general perceptions of sectarian prejudice and discrimination in Scotland; perceptions of responsibility for sectarianism (and who is best placed to tackle it); overt and subtle expressions of difference; Loyalist and Irish Republican marches; denominational schools; jokes about religious groups and sectarian language; faith family and friends and personal experiences of religious discrimination or exclusion.

Echoing the findings from the previous research in Glasgow (NFO, 2003) - the 2014 survey found that perceptions of sectarianism in Scotland are still strong^[8]. The vast majority (88%) of people in Scotland believe that sectarianism is a problem, although 69% of people think it is a problem only in parts of the country and only 19% people think that it is a problem throughout Scotland. Across the sample, it was most commonly perceived as a problem in Glasgow and the West of Scotland, however people who lived in those locations were more likely to see it as a problem for the whole of the country.

Figure 1: Where sectarianism is seen as a problem, by region

(Sample size: North =355; East=498; West= 466; South=170 )

The survey found common perceptions that both Catholics and Protestants experience prejudice in Scotland, although there was a stronger perception of anti-Catholic prejudice than anti-Protestant. Over a fifth of people (21%) think that there is 'a great deal' or 'quite a lot' of prejudice against Catholics, and just over a tenth (12%) think there is 'a great deal' or 'quite a lot' of prejudice against Protestants.

However, people were less likely to believe that this prejudice manifested itself in job discrimination or direct harassment (this is discussed in detail in the following section).

Perceived changes in perceptions of the problem

Evidence from the Scottish Election Survey and in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey from the late 1970s through to 2000 suggested that between 1979 and 2000 around a third to a half of the Scottish population believed that 'conflict' between Protestants and Catholics was 'very' or 'fairly serious'. While it is recognised that the question wording was somewhat leading, and the use of the term 'conflict' assumed serious discord between the two groups, it does nonetheless provide recent historical attitudinal data^{[9] [10]}.

The 2014 survey however shows some evidence of perceptions of improvement in relationships. Nearly half of people (47%) think that relationships between Catholics and Protestants have improved over the last ten years and 40% of people think that they have stayed the same. Only a very small minority (3%) felt that relationships had worsened.

There is however some scepticism about whether sectarianism may ever completely be eradicated from Scotland. Sixty-six per cent of people agreed with the statement that 'sectarianism will always exist in Scotland'. As Figure 2 shows, this sense of the continuing problem of sectarianism was prevalent even among (over half of) those people who think that there is little or no prejudice against Catholics or Protestants - suggesting that they may conceive of sectarianism as something other than this type of prejudice, and (a clear majority - 66% of) those people who think that relationships have improved in the last ten years.

Figure 2: Whether sectarianism will always exist in Scotland by people's views on the current levels of prejudice against Protestants and Catholics

Sample sizes:
Prejudice against Catholics: A great deal/quite a lot= 298; Some = 509; Not very much =486; None at all= 94
Prejudice against Protestants: A great deal/quite a lot= 165; Some = 423, Not very much =628; None at all= 176

Perceptions of the nature of sectarian discrimination and prejudice

Employment discrimination

A majority of survey respondents thought that being a Catholic or Protestant 'hardly ever' or 'never' stops someone from getting a job they deserve (67% for Catholics and 75% for Protestants). There were however stronger perceptions of job discrimination against Catholics than for Protestants. Twenty-four percent of survey respondents thought that this happened 'some' or 'a lot' of the time to Catholics, and 17% to Protestants. While not directly comparable this finding echoes previous findings from the 2003 Glasgow study, suggesting that this is a continuing concern for a substantial minority. Catholics were more likely to think that employment discrimination against Catholics happened at least some of the time (38% compared with 12-25% of those with other identities).

As with attitudes to sectarian prejudice more generally, people in the West of Scotland were more likely than those in other areas to think that anti-Catholic and anti-Protestant employment discrimination happened at least some of the time. Thirty percent of those in the West (compared with 19-22% of those in other areas of Scotland) thought being Catholic might stop someone getting a job or promotion. The equivalent figures for Protestants were 22% (West) and 10-15% (other regions).

Figure 3: Perceptions of the frequency of job discrimination against Catholics and Protestants

Sample: All respondents (n = 1,501)

Perceptions of harassment and threatening behaviour

Most survey respondents didn't think that it was likely that either Catholics or Protestants would be harassed or threatened because of their religious identity but 35% thought it very or quite likely that Catholics would experience such treatment, while 28% thought the same for Protestants. Again, Catholics were more likely than Protestants to think that both themselves and Protestants were likely to be harassed or threatened in their local area.

There was little regional variation in the perceived likelihood of someone being harassed or threatened for being Catholic or Protestant in Scotland as a whole, but there were some differences when people were asked about their own local area. Fifteen percent of people in the West of Scotland thought it very or quite likely that people in their area could be harassed or threatened for being Catholic, while 12% thought it likely Protestants could experience the same. Those living in other parts of Scotland thought it much less likely that this would happen where they live (2-8% for Catholics, 2-7% for Protestants).

Perceptions of the Geography of sectarianism

A lot of the problems of sectarianism were perceived to exist at a national rather than local level, in a similar way to the perceptions of anti-social behaviour that have been described in the past (e.g. Ormston and Anderson (2010)^[11] found that while 87% of people thought anti-social behaviour was a 'very' or 'quite' a big problem for Scotland as a whole, just 27% said it was a problem for their local area.)

Similarly, sectarianism was perceived as more problematic at a national level, rather than a local one - people think that it exists but, not necessarily near them. When asked about their own local area, the proportion who thought Catholics or Protestants were likely to experience harassment or threatening behaviour dropped considerably (9% for Catholics and 8% for Protestants). Also, at a local level, survey respondents were no more likely to think that anti-Catholic harassment or threatening behaviour was more common than anti-Protestant.

Table 2: Perceptions of likelihood of harassment for being Catholic / Protestant in respondent's local area, by region

	Harassed for being Catholic	Harassed for being Protestant
	North	East	West	South	North	East	West	South
	%	%	%	%	%	%	%	%
Very likely	*	2	3	3	*	2	2	1
Quite likely	2	6	12	1	1	5	10	2
Quite unlikely	20	31	37	27	19	28	35	25
Very unlikely	74	57	44	66	76	61	48	69
Don't know	4	4	4	3	3	4	4	2
Refused	-	1	*	-	-	1	*	-
Sample size	355	498	466	170	355	498	466	170

However, people living in the most deprived areas of Scotland were more likely than those living in more affluent areas to think that harassment of both Protestants and Catholics is very or quite likely in their area.

Figure 4: Perceptions of likelihood of harassment and threats in respondent's local area by area deprivation

Perceptions of what contributes to sectarianism

The 2014 survey asked questions about what factors people think contribute to sectarianism in Scotland, and what factors contribute most. It found evidence that people in Scotland believe that football is the main contributor to sectarianism in Scotland - 88% of respondents think that football contributes to sectarianism and 55% of respondents think that is it the main contributor - overwhelmingly the most commonly perceived direct-contributing factor. There is also evidence that this perception may be based more directly on personal experience, as football supporters were even more likely than non-football supporters to perceive football as a contributing factor to sectarianism (92% of supporters of any Scottish football club perceived football as a contributing factor, compared with 84% of those who did not support one). There was however no significant difference between supporters of the Old Firm and other clubs.

Other factors were also perceived to contribute to sectarianism including Orange Order marches (perceived as a contributing factor by 79% of the sample, and perceived as the main contributing factor by 13%), Irish Republican marches (perceived as a contributing factor by 70% of the sample, and perceived as the main contributing factor by 3%), and 'events in Ireland' (perceived as a contributing factor by 51% of the sample, and perceived as the main contributing factor by 4%).

Of the other options presented to respondents (see Table 4.1), just over a third mentioned each of denominational schools; the internet and social media; and newspapers, television or radio as contributing to sectarianism. Just over a quarter mentioned churches. Relatively few people (5% or less in each case) considered each of these to be the factor that contributed most to sectarianism in Scotland.

Personal experience of denominational schooling appears to make people less inclined to view such schools as contributing to sectarianism in Scotland - 25% of those who attended a denominational school thought they contributed, compared with 40% of those who did not.

Perceptions of who is best placed to tackle sectarian attitudes

The survey asked which 3 organisations are best placed to tackle sectarianism in Scotland. The most common responses were family/parents (58%) and schools (55%). The Scottish Government, football authorities and football clubs were also mentioned in around 30% of cases.

Figure 5: Perceptions of who is best placed to tackle sectarian attitudes

Sample size: 1,501 (all respondents)

Some of the perceived ideas about who is best placed to tackle sectarianism varied within different sections of the sample. People who thought football contributed to sectarianism were more likely to think that football authorities and clubs were best placed to tackle sectarianism. The people who mentioned schools as part of the problem were more likely to mention schools as part of the solution. Older people (65 and over) were less likely to mention schools and more likely to mention churches as organisations best placed to tackle sectarianism. Younger people (aged 18-24) were more likely to mention the police and less likely to mention families and parents.

Public attitudes towards difference

As well as asking about sectarianism, the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2014 sought to explore public views about religious difference in relation to support for marches and parades, denominational schools and also jokes and language about religious groups.

Orange Order and Irish Republican Marches

The survey found low levels of support for the right of loyalist (14%) and republican (11%) organisations' to march on public streets in Scotland. More than half of the sample opposed these marches. This opposition was also expressed in qualitative research conducted at the same time as the survey (with different respondents), where a great deal of animosity was expressed towards marches and parades - particularly the higher profile events that were perceived as 'flash points' for conflict.

Denominational schools

Overall, 43% of people in Scotland oppose denominational schools, while 25% support them. Opposition has fallen in recent years, from 50% in 2007. Catholics were much more likely to support denominational schools than other groups. 62% of Catholics supported denominational schools, while 18% opposed them."

Jokes and language

While only 5% thought that jokes about Catholics or Protestants were always acceptable, a further 34% thought they were acceptable if they did not offend anyone who heard them. Catholics and Protestants themselves were more likely to think such jokes acceptable, as were older people.

Most people found sectarian language unacceptable, and the majority of those who did so reported that they would say something about it if someone used these terms. Only 8-9% thought that the terms 'Hun' and 'Fenian' were acceptable.

Inter-Christian marriage, family and friendships

The survey also investigated whether there was any evidence of a 'separation' or 'divide' in terms of attitudes towards relationships and social ties along sectarian terms. The research revealed that in terms of marriage, very few respondents (1-2%) said they would be unhappy if a Catholic or a Protestant married into their family. Previous surveys found that people are much more likely to feel unhappy about the prospect of people from other religious groups, including Muslims and Hindus joining their family.

This attitudinal data on intermarriage is supported by behavioural evidence based on analysis of the 2001 census by Holligan and Raab^[12]. The study entailed examination of census data for approximately 10% of couples enumerated in 2001 who were male/female aged 16-75 and both born in Scotland^[13]. It revealed a steep decline in the percentages of same religion couples among younger couples for all Christian groups, with the most marked decline among women aged 50-59 in 2001 (the majority of whom formed partnerships in the 1970s). This pattern was evident across Scotland, but with a higher proportion in the West (due to the higher proportion of Roman Catholics and subsequent inter-faith relationships there). The authors highlight the fact that because many within inter-faith couples continue to practice their faith, families and extended families will commonly include practicing Roman Catholics, with an attendant decline in divisions along sectarian lines in Scotland^[14]. The attitudes survey 2014 found that just under a fifth (18%) of Protestants have a close family member (that is a partner, parent, child or sibling) who is Catholic, though a higher proportion (30%) of Catholics have a close family member who is protestant. However, this is likely to reflect the fact that there are more Protestants than Catholics overall in Scotland.

In terms of friendship ties, a clear majority of Catholics in the SSA 2014 said they had one or more friends they know fairly well who is Protestant (81%), compared with 76% of Protestants who reported having a close Catholic friend. The authors therefore suggest that friendship is the most important source of integration between Protestants and Catholics in Scotland. Regarding general attitudes to wider social relationships Christians, be they Protestant or Catholic or neither, were less likely to say they feel more comfortable around people of similar religious beliefs (or none) than were people of no religion or non-Christian religions. Thirty-four per cent of those with no religious beliefs and 45% of those of non-Christian religions compared with 15% of Protestants, 16% of Catholics and 22% of other Christians agreed that they felt more comfortable with people of similar beliefs to themselves.

However, men, those living in the West of Scotland, people who said that their religion (or lack of it) was an important part of their identity, and people who attended religious services regularly were all more likely to say they felt more comfortable around those of similar beliefs to themselves, than those of different beliefs.

Community perceptions of sectarianism - qualitative research findings

To understand and provide context to these national survey findings, the Scottish Government also commissioned qualitative research in tandem, to provide an in-depth understanding of sectarianism at community level in locations where sectarianism was perceived to exist - either currently or historically^[15]. This research explored personal experiences of sectarianism, changes over time, family and friendships, employment and education and other settings for sectarianism.

To this end, a total of 35 in-depth interviews and 8 focus groups were conducted with people in five locations where distinct Catholic and Protestant communities live, either separately or side-by-side between June and December 2015. The case study areas selected were Glasgow (city), North Lanarkshire (town), Edinburgh (city), Dundee (city), Eilean Siar/Western Isles (islands).

Meanings and understandings of sectarianism

The research team found that the people they met in all locations were not used to talking about sectarianism, and were less fluent in discussing it than they were compared with other forms of prejudice and discrimination - a finding the authors described as a 'discursive deficit'. Although the reasons for this are not confirmed by the study, the researchers suggested a number of possible reasons that seemed plausible to them through the course of their study.

These include the possibility that there is comparatively little sectarianism in Scotland today, and people are simply unfamiliar with it, or unable to think of examples of it in their community. Alternatively, it may be so familiar that people have stopped noticing it, or people may be less used to discussing it specifically or separately from other types of prejudice. The researchers also suggested the possibility that there is social pressure to avoid talking about it and it was more of a reluctance to discuss it than a lack of familiarity. Other possibilities for the lack of discussion may be that people ignore the signs of sectarianism, or don't want it to be associated with their community, and the declining public and private visibility of religion in Scotland. Finally, the researchers suggest that a possible reason is that sectarianism is so poorly understood in Scotland that people do not have an adequate conceptual classification for it, and therefore are unable to talk about it.

It is possible that these different theories may provide varying explanations for different people in different places. Indeed, the qualitative research revealed wide-ranging experiences of sectarianism - from none, through low to serious, and some that were in the past, to some whose experiences were very present. All of these explanations may therefore be plausible, depending on individuals' own attitudes and experiences within the context of particular communities.

Where sectarianism happens

Like the quantitative findings, the qualitative research found perceptions of sectarianism to be more intense in different locations and situations, for example, although it found experiences of sectarianism in all of its study locations it found stronger perceptions of sectarianism in the West of Scotland. It also found perceived links with football and football matches - research participants noted the days of football matches as particularly significant - and described how they would change their behaviour to avoid certain pubs and public transport on certain days. Alcohol was also mentioned as an aggravating factor.

Participants in the research also noted concerns about possible expressions of sectarian prejudice in employment, recruitment and promotion situations (although this was not something that had been commonly experienced personally among research participants).

Loyalist and Irish Republican Processions

Other research commissioned by the Scottish Government and undertaken by the University of Stirling^[16] considered the impact of different types of public processions, with a particular focus on Loyalist and Irish Republican marches, on the communities in which they take place (Scottish Government, 2015). This research described a strong continuing culture of marching by Loyalist and Irish Republican organisations in Scotland (including 773 'procession notifications' by loyal orders, and 41 notifications by Irish republican organisations in Scotland in 2012.)

The research revealed a gulf in understanding in terms of the meaning and purpose of these events between event participants and the general public. Loyalist and Irish Republican organisations tended to perceive themselves as variously: expressing their cultural heritage, affirming identity and upholding traditions, or campaigning around issues of social justice. However, survey respondents in communities which 'hosted' these processions often associated them with broader community and social problems and sectarianism. For example, respondents to a post-procession survey (based on a postal sample of 192 people in Coatbridge, Govan, Parkhead and Bridgeton) found that respondents associated both Loyalist and Irish Republican processions with a range of social problems. Approximately three-quarters of respondents agreed that a recent procession had led to anti-social behaviour (76%) or caused tension in the community (73%). In contrast, those respondents surveyed on the street, on the day of processions expressed less negative attitudes, whilst those who were there specifically to support a procession held generally positive attitudes.

A common concern associated with Loyalist and Irish Republican processions related to the behaviour of procession supporters or other bystanders or 'hangers on' who were seen as causing trouble and nuisance around processions, rather than the participants themselves (Scottish Government, 2015).

Gender

The 'Community Experiences of Sectarianism' research^[17] found gender to be an important factor both in terms of sectarian behaviour, and sectarian victimisation. The examples of sectarian behaviour that were raised in the study were usually about male proponents - in pubs and drinking settings, as well as within family life. Certain cultures associated with sectarianism were also perceived as more masculine by research participants - e.g. football, marching, music and parades - creating aggressive and intimidating environments and affecting the communities surrounding them. There were examples of women taking evasive action to avoid risks to their own, and their families safety, within public and private spaces, but women were not perceived to be entirely passive or neutral. They were perceived also to sometimes transmit prejudice and participate in controversial activities (such as through participation in Loyalist or Irish Republican marches). On the whole however, sectarianism was typically perceived as a problem caused by men. These findings may provide some explanation for the finding from the attitudes survey (2014) that men were more likely to be reticent than women about revealing their religion, or their lack of religious beliefs (17% of men said they had 'thought twice' about revealing their religion/religious beliefs compared with 11% of women).

History, memory and generational difference

The research found that perceptions of sectarianism were sometimes inherited from older generations, and from earlier eras, which were sometimes perceived as the source of the more bitter examples of sectarian feelings. The research also found examples of historical sectarian prejudice that lived long in the memory - although incidents and experience may have happened many years ago, they remained powerful and still sometimes had conscious and subconscious negative impact on victims.

This finding is possibly supported by evidence in the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey 2014 (Scottish Government, 2015) that found that, although all age groups think that sectarianism is a problem in parts of Scotland, those in the older age groups were most likely to respond in this way (74-75% of those aged 40+ compared with 60% of those aged 18-39 ).

Figure 6: Whether sectarianism is a problem throughout the whole of Scotland, in parts, or not at all, by age

Sample sizes: 18-24=100; 25-39=302; 40-64=661; 65+=423

This survey also found that younger people tended to be slightly more optimistic about the prospects for eradicating sectarianism from Scotland: 22% of those aged 18-24 disagreed that sectarianism will always exist compared with 12% of those aged 65 and over.

Some of these findings were echoed in work undertaken by the Conforti Institute in Scotland that involved focus group discussions within 57 Roman Catholic parishes in Scotland^[18], that noted (among a number of other findings) continuing concern about Orange Walks and their effects, the constitutional settlement that prevents Catholics from becoming monarchs, and experiences of anti-Catholicism in Scotland.

Apart from the qualitative survey in 2014, other qualitative research has been undertaken, considering the impact of sectarianism on young people in Scotland. Deuchar and Holligan, published findings of their research in 2008 that explored how young people aged 16-18 in Glasgow viewed their city and provided them with an opportunity to comment on sectarianism.

One of the main findings was the recognition of territoriality related to gang activity. Although not necessarily sectarian, gang activity was associated with particular flashpoints, which the authors described as a vehicle for expressing aggression, particularly around alcohol and after 'Old Firm' matches. Indeed, most respondents indicated that they were very much influenced by football culture and its characteristic rivalry. Respondents intimated that the source of learning about football related sectarianism lay within the family, especially older male family members, and there was a clear link to learning about and conforming to particular expressions of masculinity. The young people often viewed sectarianism as harmless banter and football bigotry appeared to be a taken for granted aspect of Glasgow life. The authors claim that, "the use of sectarian language and humour may have become so deeply assimilated into these young people's social identity that it has become normalised" The research also revealed self-exclusionary practices amongst young people - that there were areas that they would avoid ('hidden territories') when wearing particular football colours. The authors argue that this can affect life chances, by restricting networking and employment opportunities.

In 2011, data on young people's views on sectarianism were collected in an opinion poll conducted by Action for Children. The poll was conducted during the introduction of the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) bill. The survey polled a small sample of 114 young people aged between 14 and 20 who had used its services, and reported that half claimed to have witnessed sectarian incidents on a regular basis. Although the detail of these incidents may have provided some useful insights, these were not recorded. Other findings include that around two thirds thought that schools should do more to tackle bigotry, almost half thought that the tougher sentences proposed in the Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) bill would not be enough to tackle sectarianism and that 44% believed that sectarian views come from households rather than just religion.

Football

Echoing the quantitative study, the qualitative research also found that football was strongly perceived to be the main contributing factor and the Celtic and Rangers rivalry was the issue most associated with sectarianism among participants. This rivalry was perceived as a method of understanding a person's cultural, religious, and political background, especially in west-central Scotland.

Research participants also noted the fact the Catholicism and Protestantism as faiths in Scotland, appeared to play a more muted role in Scottish life than might be supposed from the rivalry of the two teams.