Growing up in Scotland: a study following the lives of Scotland's children

Chapter 2: Characteristics and Circumstances of Children and their Families

2.1 Introduction

This chapter provides an overview of the circumstances and characteristics of the children and families who participated in the first sweep of the study. It explores household and family arrangements, parental demographics (such as age and employment) and household demographics (such as income and tenure) and begins to sketch out some of the inter-relationships between these variables. Where possible and appropriate, comparisons are made between the profile of the achieved sample for GUS and external sources such as Census data and the first sweep of the Millennium Cohort Study.

Having an overview of the characteristics and circumstances of the Growing Up in Scotland babies and toddlers is baseline evidence necessary for policies designed to support the wellbeing of children and families. This chapter begins to show, for example, the extent to which children living in particular types of household or households with different income levels also have distinctive circumstances in other respects and the extent of urban and rural variation. Children's circumstances are, of course, largely shaped by the circumstances of their parents. Previous research, including preliminary analysis of the Millennium Cohort data in Scotland, has shown a consistent association between age at motherhood and a range of other characteristics and circumstances that will impact on children's lives including parental education, partnership, employment, occupation, income, mental health and well-being (Joshi and Wright, 2004). As well as these types of circumstances, Growing Up in Scotland provides some preliminary documentation of the wider social connections of children's families known to be consequential for children's well-being.

2.2 Age of mother at birth of cohort child

Almost half of the mothers in the sample were aged between 30 and 39 at the time the cohort child was born, with a further two-fifths aged between 20 and 29 (Figure 2-A). Just 8% were under 20 at the birth of the cohort child, matching ISD statistics which show a similar proportion of births to mothers aged under 20 in 2002-04. A small proportion (3%) were aged 40 or older at the time of birth.

This age profile is, of course, accompanied by great variation in socio-economic circumstances and characteristics. For example, in terms of educational attainment, the majority of mothers under 20 had achieved either no qualifications (21%), some form of vocational qualification ² (25%) or standard grades (44%). By contrast, 38% of those aged 30 to 39 had a degree or equivalent, as did 44% of those aged 40 or over.

Figure 2-A Age of mother at birth of cohort child

The data in Figure 2-B reveal further stark contrasts between mothers of different ages in terms of socio-economic class and income. The graph shows that 62% of teenage mothers were in routine and semi-routine households and that four-fifths were living in households in the lowest income quartile. In comparison, 69% of mothers aged 40 or older were in managerial and professional households and 34% were in the highest income quartile.

Figure 2-B Age of mother at birth of cohort child by household NS-SEC and income quartile

Figure 2-C also indicates a strong link between the age of the mother at birth of the cohort child and the level of deprivation of the area in which the family lives. Half of teenage mothers lived in areas in the most deprived quintile, whereas only 3% lived in areas in the least deprived quintile. Mothers who had the cohort child in their 30s or 40s, by contrast, were much more likely to live in the least deprived areas (27% and 28% respectively).

Figure 2-C Age of mother at birth of cohort child by level of area deprivation

2.3 Immediate and extended family

2.3.1 Family type

Around a fifth of cohort children were resident in one-parent households at the time of the interview. Not surprisingly, toddlers were more likely than babies to be in lone parent families (25% compared with 20%). This pattern fits with Scottish census data which indicate that for all families with dependent children under the age of 16, the proportion of lone parent families is even higher, at 26% (Figure 2-D).

The vast majority of lone parent families (99%) were headed by the child's natural mother, with just 1% headed by the child's natural father. In couple families, 99% of households contained two natural parents and less than 1% contained a step-parent or partner - an indication, perhaps, that the trend towards blended ³ families is less likely to affect children in the youngest age groups. In addition, a very small number of families had no natural parents in the household. The majority of children in these families lived with their grandparents, another relative, or adoptive or foster parents. Again, this figure is likely to rise as the cohorts age.

Figure 2-D Family type by cohort

Figure 2-E shows the relationship between family type and age of the mother at the birth of the cohort child. Teenage mothers are far more likely than mothers in any other age group to be lone parents (68%). In comparison the proportion of lone parents was smaller among mothers in their 20s (28%), and mothers in their 30s (9%). However, the trend is reversed slightly for mothers in their 40s at the birth of the cohort child among whom there is a slightly higher incidence of lone parenthood compared with mothers in their 30s. This may be explained by a higher divorce and separation rate for this age group, or by conscious decisions by older women to have a child outside of a long-term relationship.

Figure 2-E Age of mother at birth of cohort child by family type

Some very clear socio-economic correlates are evident here. For example, lone parent families were more likely than couple families to be in semi-routine and routine occupations (60% compared with 12%) and to be in the lowest income quartile, earning under £15,000 per year (86% compared with 15%). In stark contrast, 59% of couple families were in managerial and professional occupations and almost a quarter (23%) were in the highest income quartile (compared with only 13% and 1% of lone parent families respectively). Almost two-thirds (65%) of lone parent families rented their home from a Local Authority or from a housing association compared with just 18% of couple families - the vast majority (exactly three-quarters) of whom owned their own homes.

Table 2.1 Family type by household NS-SEC, income and tenure

		Family type (%)
		Lone Parent	Couple	All
NS-SEC	Managerial and professional	13.2	58.7	49.7
	Semi-routine and routine	59.9	13.8	14.1
Income Quartile	£44,000 and above	1.1	23.1	18.2
	£14,999 or lower	85.5	15.4	30.9
Tenure	Owner Occupied	17.5	74.9	62.4
	Rents- Social	64.9	17.6	27.9
	Rents- Private or rent-free	17.6	7.5	9.7
Bases
Weighted		1754	6310	8063
Unweighted		1627	6437	8064

The relationship between area deprivation and family type is clearly illustrated by Figure 2-F below, which shows the proportion of lone parent households increasing sharply (and the proportion of couple households falling) as levels of area deprivation rise. Of all families living in areas in the least deprived quintile, 95% were couple families, while the same was true of only 57% of those living in the most deprived areas.

Figure 2-F Area deprivation quintiles by family type

As can be seen in Figure 2-G, the majority of lone parents were single, having never married, with the remainder largely either separated or divorced. Seventy-one percent of couple parents were married and living together, and a quarter were legally single but cohabiting. In addition, around 3% of couple parents were separated or divorced from a previous partner. However, this varied considerably by the age of the mother at the birth of the cohort child. In Table 2.2 we see that 82% of teenage mothers in couple families were unmarried, compared with 13% of mothers aged 40 or older. Overall, the majority of mothers aged 30 to 39 and 40 or older were married and living with their husband (82% and 76% respectively), although 7% of those aged 40 or older were divorced (not shown).

Figure 2-G Legal marital status by family type

Table 2.2 Legal marital status by age of mother at birth of cohort child (couple families only)

		Age of mother at birth of cohort child
		Under 20	20 to 29	30 to 39	40 over	All
All couple families
Legal marital status	Single, never married	82.1	36.2	13.8	12.8	23.9
	Married and living with husband/wife	15.1	61.0	81.9	75.6	72.1
	Other	2.8	2.7	4.2	11.6	4.0
Bases
Weighted		179	2365	3637	242	6442
Unweighted		162	2339	3937	272	6730

2.3.2 Birth order and number of children in household

For a little under half of mothers in the sample, the cohort child was their first child. This varied, of course, by mother's age, with around two-thirds of mothers aged 30 or over having other children already. Nine out of ten mothers aged under 20 were first-time mothers, as were 56% of mothers in their 20s (Figure 2-H).

Figure 2-H Parity by age of mother at birth of cohort child ⁴

Mothers who had their first child when aged 30 or over were more likely to be in managerial or professional occupations (73% of those aged 30 to 39 and 78% of those aged 40 or over). Related to this, mothers in their 30s and 40s were more likely to be in a household in the highest income quartile - around a third of these mothers were in households with an average income of over £44,000 per year, compared with 2% of teenage mothers.

Approximately half of babies (47%) and a third (34%) of toddlers were the only child in the household, and 34% of babies and 45% of toddlers were in a two-child family. One in six households contained three children, whilst 5% of households contained four or more children.

The number of children in the household varied significantly by the educational attainment of the mother. Mothers whose highest qualification gained was at Standard Grade level or who had no qualifications were much more likely than mothers who held degrees to have four or more children (18% compared with 3%).

Overall, 7% of cohort children lived with a half-sibling. The proportion with a half-brother or sister was higher among lone parent families than couple families (10% compared with 6%).

As well as collecting information about the actual number of children in the household, in cases where the respondent was the child's natural mother, we also asked about current pregnancies and any plans or hopes that they had to have more children. Overall, 47% of mothers in the baby sample and 32% in the toddler sample said that they 'probably' or 'definitely' wanted more children (see Figure 2-I).

In addition, 8% of mothers in the toddler sample and 5% in the baby sample were pregnant at the time of the interview. Whilst there were no differences between lone parents and couple families in the baby sample, in the toddler sample 9% of mothers in couple families were pregnant compared with 4% of lone mothers. Perhaps not surprisingly, first-time mothers were more likely to be pregnant than were mothers who already had other children (10% compared with 4%).

Figure 2-I Whether respondent would like another child by cohort

Although there appeared to be no significant differences between socio-economic classes or income quartiles, variations were seen in relation to levels of maternal educational attainment. Mothers with qualifications at Higher Grade or above were more likely to want more children (45%), either definitely or probably, than were those with Standard Grades (39%) or no qualifications (28%). This, of course, may be linked to the fact that mothers with lower levels of educational attainment were relatively more likely to already have two or more children.

2.3.3 Non-resident parents

In households where only one of the child's natural parents was resident, the respondent was asked a number of questions about the non-resident parent's contact with the child and the quality and types of relationships between the respondent and the non-resident parent, and between the child and their non-resident parent. These data are reported in detail later in the report (section 5.4). This chapter is restricted to some comments about the numbers and patterning of non-resident parents.

Around a fifth (21%) of children in the baby sample and a quarter (26%) of children in the toddler sample had a non-resident natural parent. Six out of ten children in the lowest household income quartile had a non-resident parent (Figure 2-J). By contrast, virtually all of those in the highest income quartile lived with both parents.

Figure 2-J Household income by natural parents outwith household

Among children with a non-resident parent, around two-thirds (70% of babies and 67% of toddlers) had some contact with that parent at the time of the interview. Most of those children who did have contact with their non-resident parent saw that parent at least once a week. Babies had more frequent contact than toddlers. A third (34%) of babies saw their non-resident parent every, or almost every day, compared with 21% of toddlers.

Respondents were asked to describe the nature of their partnership with the non-resident parent. The vast majority described themselves as either 'just friends' or 'not in any relationship'. More parents of babies than of toddlers described themselves as being 'in a relationship but not living together' (29%, compared with 15% of parents of toddlers), however there were a higher number of parents of toddlers who were separated or divorced (13%, in contrast to 6% of babies' parents), perhaps not surprisingly, given the age differences of the two cohorts. There were also differences between age groups, with older mothers being more likely to be divorced or separated and younger mothers being more likely to classify the partnership as 'just friends'. A larger proportion of both the oldest and youngest mothers than those in their twenties and thirties were not in any relationship with the child's other parent (Table 2.3).

Table 2.3 Type of relationship between respondent and non-resident parent by age of mother at birth of cohort child

Relationship status	Age of mother
	Under 20	20 to 29	30 to 39	40 or older
Married but separated	1.0	8.0	19.5	8.5
Divorced	-	0.3	1.6	7.5
In a relationship but not living together	21.9	24.6	22.5	20.1
Just friends	27.4	26.3	17.3	14.7
Not in any relationship	49.6	40.7	38.9	49.2
Other parent no longer alive	-	0.2	0.3	-
Bases
Weighted	435	959	357	30
Unweighted	369	883	365	33

Of those natural parents who were not currently living together and had never been married to each other, two-fifths of natural parents in the babies' cohort, and three-fifths of natural parents in the toddlers' cohort had lived together at some point. In the babies cohort, the majority of these parents stopped living together before the baby was one month old (55%), and a further 21% stopped living together when the baby was one to four months old. In the toddler cohort, fewer parents left before the child was one month old (21%), although a further 28% left between one and four months after the birth.

2.3.4 Grandparents

Virtually all of the children in both samples had at least one grandparent who was still alive. Indeed, as Figure 2-K shows, over half of children across both cohorts had four or more grandparents alive. The fact that 4% of children had five or more grandparents alive at the time of interview gives some indication of the complexity of family structures in Scotland today and the increase in 'blended families'.

Figure 2-K Number of grandparents alive

Not surprisingly, the number of grandparents alive varies by age of mother, with 4% of children whose mothers were aged 40 or more at the time of their birth having no grandparents alive, and 13% having only one grandparent alive (Table 2.4). In contrast, almost two-thirds of children born to mothers aged under 20 had four grandparents alive, and this group were also most likely to be in more complex families with five or more grandparents (7%). Interestingly, there was little variation in the proportions of children in complex or blended families by socio-economic group.

Table 2.4 Number of grandparents alive by age of mother at birth of cohort child

Number of grandparents	Age of mother
	Under 20	20 to 29	30 to 39	40 or older
None	0.3	0.1	0.7	4.1
One	2.0	1.4	4.0	12.9
Two	9.0	9.4	12.9	25.0
Three	16.8	21.8	30.5	35.4
Four	65.2	61.5	49.1	21.9
Five or more	6.6	5.7	2.8	0.7
Bases
Weighted	617	3392	3784	251
Unweighted	532	3238	3999	275

Overall, 7% of babies and 4% of toddlers had a grandparent living in the household. The experience of lone parent families was very different in this respect, with 19% having a resident grandparent compared with just 2% of couple families. As might be expected, younger mothers were more likely to be living with the child's grandparent(s). As Figure 2-L indicates, a little over a quarter of mothers aged under 20 had a grandparent in the household compared with 2% of mothers aged 30 to 39 and 2% of mothers aged 40 or older.

Figure 2-L Whether a grandparent is living in the household by age of mother at birth of cohort child

In addition, first-time mothers were more likely than mothers who had previous children to have a grandparent living in the household (10% compared with 2%). Parents living in households in the lowest income quartile and in the lowest socio-economic classification were more likely than those in the highest income quartile (10% compared with 2%) and those in households classed in the highest socio-economic classification (13% compared with 2%) to have a grandparent living with them. These associations are, of course, not surprising, since all are also strongly correlated with lone parenthood.

Non-white families were three times more likely than white families to have a grandparent resident in the household - 17% having a resident grandparent compared with 5% of white households. There were no significant differences between families in the baby cohort and those in the toddler cohort.

2.4 Household employment and income

2.4.1 Employment status of mothers

At the time of interview, 52% of babies' mothers and 56% of toddlers' mothers were in some form of paid employment (including those on maternity leave). Most were in part-time employment, although 15% of babies' mothers and 18% of toddlers' mothers were in full-time employment. A sizeable proportion of mothers indicated they were 'looking after the home or family' as an exclusive activity in the week prior to interview.

Figure 2-M Employment status of mothers by sample type

2.4.2 Employment status of households

In nearly three-quarters of households, at least one parent was in full-time employment, while a further one in ten households had at least one parent in part-time employment. Overall, 17% of families in both cohorts had neither parent in employment.

There were clear differences between lone parent and couple families, with lone parents far more likely to be unemployed or in part-time work (Figure 2-N). But there were also some differences by cohort here: specifically, lone parents of toddlers were more likely than lone parents of babies to be in employment for 16 or more hours per week (10% compared with 7%). This suggests a move back into employment as the child ages. The same pattern was not evident for couple families, for whom the proportions in employment were very similar across the two cohorts.

Figure 2-N Household employment status by sample type

2.5 Socio-economic classification ( NS-SEC)

Figure 2-O illustrates the spread of National Statistics Socio-economic Classification ( NS-SEC) by household. ⁵ This variable uses the highest classification in the household whether that is the respondent's or, if relevant, their partner's classification. ⁶ The graph shows that around half of all children in the sample were in a managerial and professional household, with a further fifth living in a semi-routine or routine household.

Figure 2-O Household Socio-economic Classification ( NS-SEC)

2.6 Ethnicity and religion

2.6.1 Ethnic group

Overall, 4% of children across both cohorts were from a non-white ethnic group (as classified by the respondent). The largest proportion of non-white children were from Asian backgrounds, around a third of these were from Pakistani backgrounds, which mirrors data from the Scottish census. A further large proportion were from mixed Asian and White backgrounds. Very few children in the sample were of Black or Chinese origin.

Although the number of children from non-white ethnic groups is too small to allow detailed analysis, some comparison is possible between the circumstances and characteristics of the white and non-white populations.

2.6.2 White and non-white children

Children in non-white ethnic groups were more likely to live in a household in the lowest income quartile (45% compared with 31% of white children). Non-white children were also more likely to live in households in the most deprived areas of Scotland, with half (53%) of non-white children living in areas which fall into the two most deprived quintiles. In addition, as Figure 2-P details, two-thirds of non-white children (69%) had a mother who was not in paid employment at the time of the interview, compared with two-fifths of white children (45%). Indeed, the majority (61%) of non-white mothers were 'looking after the home or family' and undertook no other economic or educational activity.

Figure 2-P Employment status of mother by ethnicity of child

In terms of socio-economic classification, the main difference was that non-white children were more likely than white children to live in households with a parent classed as a small employer or as self-employed (19% compared with 5% of white children households).

There were some other important differences between white and non-white children in terms of family circumstances. For example, around one in ten non-white children lived in a household with four or more children in it, compared with one in 20 white children. There were also differences between the ages at which mothers gave birth to the cohort child. Mothers in non-white households were less likely to give birth in their teens (3% versus 5% of white mothers), but more likely to give birth in their twenties (55% versus 42%).

2.6.3 Languages spoken at home

All respondents were asked which languages were spoken at home. The vast majority of households spoke English only (94%), although 5% of households in both cohorts spoke both English and another language and around 1% spoke another language only. Of those families who spoke a language other than English, around a quarter spoke Punjabi and a further 15% spoke Urdu, indeed many of these families used both languages. Of the European languages spoken, French was used by 11% of those speaking other languages and a further 7% spoke Spanish at home. In addition, 6% spoke Gaelic and a small number of families used sign language. In all, 65 languages other than English were spoken in 360 sample households.

2.6.4 Religion

Over half (59%) of the children in the sample were described by the respondent as having no religion. A little under a quarter (24%) were described as being non-Catholic Christians, a further 14% were said to be Catholic, and around 2% of children were being brought up as Muslims (see Figure 2-Q). There was little variation between the two cohorts.

Figure 2-Q Religion of child

Children in lone parent families were less likely than those in couple families to have a religious affiliation (29% compared with 44%). ⁷ Children whose parents were married and living together were twice as likely as those whose parents were single to have a religious affiliation (51% compared with 26%).

Around three-quarters of those born to mothers under 20 were being brought up without a religious affiliation, compared with around half of those born to mothers aged 30 or over - a finding clearly linked to the fact that younger mothers were less likely than older mothers to describe themselves as having a particular religious affiliation.

Figure 2-R Age of mother at birth of cohort child by religion

Children living in households in the lowest income quartile were more likely than those living in households in the highest income quartile to have no religious affiliation (70% compared with 48%). Absence of religious affiliation was also higher among children whose mother's highest educational qualifications were at Standard Grade level or lower (68%, compared with 55% of those whose mother's highest educational qualifications was Higher Grade or above).

2.7 Area urban/rural classification

Using household address information, each cohort family was assigned an urban/rural status according to the Scottish Executive 6-fold Urban/Rural Classification. ⁸

Figure 2-S Household Urban/Rural Classification

The vast majority (70%) of families were living in urban areas with 17% living in rural areas. These results closely mirror official national statistics published by the Scottish Executive ⁹ which, in 2005-06, placed 69% of the Scottish population as a whole in urban areas and 18% in rural areas. Of the remainder, 9% were resident in accessible small towns and 4% in remote small towns.

2.8 Accommodation and transport

2.8.1 Tenure

Just under two-thirds of families were in owner-occupied properties, a further quarter in social rented accommodation and 8% in private rented accommodation. However, there was considerable variation by family type; around half of lone parents rented from a local authority or housing association in contrast to three-quarters of couple families who were owner occupiers. As might be expected, tenure also varied by both socio-economic classification and household income. Figure 2-T indicates that the majority of managerial and professional households owned their own house, either outright or with a mortgage (86%), in comparison to only a fifth of routine and semi-routine households, around half of whom were social renters. Only a fifth of households in the lowest income bracket were owner occupiers in contrast to 97% of those earning £44,000 or more.

Figure 2-T Household NS-SEC by tenure

2.8.2 Type of accommodation

Overall, 69% of babies and 74% of toddlers lived in a house or bungalow, split evenly between semi-detached, detached and terraced houses. A further 31% of babies and 25% of toddlers lived in a flat or maisonette.

Around two-thirds of cohort children had their own rooms (babies 63%; toddlers 67%). Of those who did not have their own room, two-thirds of babies slept in with their parent(s), with a third sleeping in the same room as their sibling(s). In the toddler cohort though, four-fifths of those without their own room slept with their sibling(s), with one-fifth sleeping in their parents' room.

2.8.3 Gardens and playparks

Nine out of ten families had access to a garden, the majority of these having sole access, although 13% in the baby cohort and 11% in the toddler cohort had shared access. A further nine out of ten had access to a park or playpark within ten minutes' walk of their house.

2.8.4 Car status

Four-fifths of all families owned, or had continuous use of, a motor vehicle though, as might be expected, this figure was higher in urban areas. Of those families with a car, most had access to one or two vehicles (Figure 2-U), with a small number having access to three or more. There was some slight variation between the cohorts, with toddler families more likely than baby families to have access to two or more vehicles. Families in semi-routine and routine households were most likely to have continuous access to only one car (82%) whereas almost three-fifths (58%) of managerial and professional households had access to two or more cars.

Figure 2-U Number of vehicles in household by cohort

2.9 Key points

• There was a strong relationship between age of mother at birth of the cohort child and socio-economic classification, household income and area deprivation; in summary, younger mothers were much more likely to be from less affluent areas and households.
• Around a fifth of the sample lived in a lone parent household (20% babies, 25% toddlers), although the figures were much higher for children from less affluent households and areas and whose mothers were aged under 20 at the time of the birth.
• Virtually all of the cohort children had at least one living grandparent and over half in both cohorts had at least four - indeed, 4% had five or more, indicating the growing significance of 'blended families'. Only 7% of babies and 4% of toddlers had a grandparent actually resident in the household, though the figure was much higher for lone parent households (19%) and households where the mother was aged under 20 at the time of birth (28%).
• In almost three-quarters of households, at least one parent was in full-time employment while a further one in ten had at least one parent in only part-time employment; 17% had neither in employment.
• Overall, 4% of children were from non-white ethnic groups; around a third of these were Pakistani. Non-white children were more likely than white children to live in a household in the lowest income quartile, to have a stay-at-home mother and to have three or more siblings.

2.10 Conclusion

This chapter has provided a baseline picture of the characteristics and circumstances of children and their families which is drawn on, and developed in, the rest of the report. In particular, it has highlighted the powerful inter-relationships between demographic factors, family structure and socio-economic circumstances.

For example, the association between being born to a younger mother, low income households, and lone parent households is striking. The 20% of babies born into lone mother households typically have mothers who are much younger than average at the time of birth and, who not only have low incomes and live in social housing, but are also more likely to live in the most deprived areas of Scotland. Children with young mothers in couple households are also more likely to live in circumstances of low income with associated disadvantages. It cannot, then, be assumed that young motherhood in itself causes disadvantage but simply that those in more disadvantaged circumstances are more likely to become young mothers. Because many more children live in couple households, the relatively small proportion in couple households with low income compared with lone parent households with low incomes, nevertheless, represent a large number of children. A larger proportion of children living in Scotland's most deprived areas live in couple families than in lone parent families. The data also demonstrate the relative disadvantage of non-white families and their distinctiveness in a number of respects. For example, a little under half of children in non-white ethnic groups lived in a household in the lowest income quartile compared with just under a third of white children.