Housing needs of minority ethnic groups: evidence review

3. Housing needs and experiences

3.1 Living in the private rented sector

As noted earlier (see 2.4.4), depending on ethnic group, 32-50% of minority ethnic households live in the PRS, compared to 11% of white Scottish/British households. 

There was some evidence in the literature that minority ethnic households are over-represented in the PRS compared to the population as a whole and that white Scottish/British households are under-represented. However, without comprehensive up to date population data, these findings should be treated with caution.

3.1.1 Implications of living in the PRS

Potential implications of living in the PRS include poorer house condition, relatively higher rents compared to the social rented sector, and fewer affordable large properties. In a number of studies, poorer quality housing was suggested as a negative consequence of high rates of private renting among the minority ethnic population (Gulliver 2016; Netto et al. 2011; Strachan & Donoghue 2009). SHCS data from 2016-2019 appears to confirm this (see section 3.4), where analysis indicates that although there is no difference in rates of disrepair between minority ethnic HIH households and white Scottish/British HIH households within any individual tenure, there is a difference for both groups in rates of disrepair between the PRS and owner occupied sectors, with the PRS having significantly higher rates of disrepair. The higher rates of disrepair in the PRS combined with the higher prevalence of PRS tenure for minority ethnic households is therefore likely to contribute to the higher rates of disrepair found amongst minority ethnic HIH households overall (Scottish Government 2020d). It is noted that due to the grouping of ethnic sub-groups under the category 'minority ethnic', any variation in levels of disrepair between ethnic sub-groups may be obscured. 

Relatively higher rents in the PRS compared to the social rented sector were noted as a concern in the literature by several studies (CRER 2020; Netto et al. 2011; Strachan & Donoghue 2009). Average weekly rent data for the period 2013/14 to 2017/18 confirms this, where average private rents for some properties were twice the level of average social rents (Scottish Government 2019c). For example, Figure 10 shows a comparison between average weekly social rents in Scotland for a 3 apartment property (i.e. 2 bedrooms plus 1 living room) and average weekly private rents in Scotland for a 2 bedroom property over a 5 year period, demonstrating that average weekly private rents were consistently around twice the level of social rents over this period (Scottish Government 2019c).

Studies also reported that levels of private rent are often not fully covered by Local Housing Allowance (LHA), which in effect can reduce the volume of PRS accommodation available to low-income households (Scottish Government 2020e; CRER 2020). For example, analysis by the Scottish Government in 2020 found that only 11 out of 90 LHA rates in Scotland were set at the level allowing families to rent a home in the 30^th percentile^[21] of the rental market (Scottish Government 2020e). Notably, combined SHS data from 2017-2019 indicates that a lower proportion of minority ethnic HIH households were claiming housing benefit when compared to households with a 'White: Scottish' HIH. Households with an 'African' HIH were the exception, where 14.5% of 170 households surveyed were in receipt of housing benefit, compared to 13.8% of 24,990 'White: Scottish' HIH households (Scottish Government 2020a). However, due to small sample sizes it is difficult to draw firm conclusions around the extent to which some groups may be affected by a shortfall in LHA rates.

Research funded by the Nationwide Foundation found that, of 57 non-white minority ethnic tenants sampled, just over a third found it difficult to find a place to rent, compared to one fifth of all tenants in the sample. For non-white minority ethnic tenants, this difficulty in finding a place to rent was more commonly attributed to affordability or being on benefits than for other tenants. In addition, while a third of tenants in the survey paid more than 40% towards housing costs, this proportion was often higher for non-white minority ethnic tenants. This is a relatively small sample, however, it does provide some insight into the experience of minority ethnic tenants in the PRS (Nationwide Foundation 2020). 

The Nationwide findings accord with SHS data from 2017-2019, which indicates that 5% of households with a minority ethnic HIH reported difficulties in paying their rent or mortgage, compared to 4% of households with a white Scottish/British HIH (Scottish Government 2020a). 

3.1.2 Reasons for over-representation 

The over-representation of minority ethnic groups in the PRS was a key theme in the literature (Shankley & Finney 2020; Netto et al. 2011; Netto & Abazie 2012; Strachan & Donoghue 2009) Various explanations are offered for the over-representation of some minority ethnic households in the PRS, including the relative inaccessibility of other tenures, the desire for greater flexibility and choice, and fears of racial harassment in the social rented sector. It has also been suggested this effect may partly be explained by the younger age profile of some minority ethnic groups (see section 2.4.1) and for others, their more recent arrival or student occupation (Netto et al. 2011). 

With regards to inaccessibility of other tenures, studies suggested that issues such as a shortage of affordable housing (Netto et al. 2003a), a lack of larger accommodation (Netto et al. 2011), and long waiting times for housing in the social rented sector (Netto & Abazie 2012), were central to the experiences of both the minority ethnic and the majority population in some areas. Studies have also reported difficulties in accessing home ownership for some minority ethnic groups, including issues around mortgage finance and affordability (Kara & Molyneux 2016; Netto et al. 2011). 

These findings accord with studies which found the PRS was often a transitional tenure for minority ethnic groups who were unable to access social housing (Strachan & Donoghue 2009) or who were looking to buy in the near future (Nationwide Foundation 2020). For some participants, it was seen as short-term accommodation following certain life events, such as relationship breakdown (Strachan & Donoghue 2009).

However, other studies presented a more complex view of over-representation in the PRS, where minority ethnic families chose to rent privately for the greater flexibility and choice it offered compared to other tenures, suggesting a more positive image of the sector (Netto & Abazie 2012; Strachan & Donoghue 2009). For some participants, the sector was seen as an attractive alternative to the social rented sector in terms of greater choice of properties and more attractive neighbourhoods for families (Netto & Abazie 2012), allowing them to live nearer to places of worship and other amenities such as halal shops and cultural centres (Netto et al. 2011). The flexibility of the tenure was also noted as an attraction for some new migrants in research by Strachan & Donoghue where, of private sector tenants surveyed, 42% of those born outside the UK were looking for short-term accommodation, compared to 27% of those born in the UK (Strachan & Donoghue 2009). 

3.1.3 Access

A number of studies highlighted difficulties in accessing private rented housing, including a lack of affordability, experiences of discrimination by landlords or agents and requests for additional accreditation (Nationwide Foundation 2020; BEMIS 2016; Runnymede Trust 2013). As discussed previously in section 3.1.1, non-white minority ethnic tenants were more likely to find it difficult to find a place to rent due to issues of affordability than white tenants (Nationwide Foundation 2020). 

Experiences of discrimination, as noted earlier (see section 2.5) among some minority ethnic groups have also been reported in the literature. In a survey by the Runnymede Trust in England and Wales, slightly over a quarter of Black Caribbean, Black African and Pakistani respondents felt discriminated against when trying to access private housing, compared to just 1% of white British respondents (Runnymede Trust 2013). Lived experience research in Inverness described incidences of indirect discrimination, where African tenants reported that they were expected to provide additional or over-the-top accreditation to landlords when trying to access the PRS (BEMIS 2016). These findings accord with a survey of 1,071 private landlords in England, where four in ten landlords reported that they felt it was 'natural for prejudices and stereotypes to come into letting decisions' (Shelter England 2016).

3.1.4 Impact of the PRT

A number of studies also noted the relative precarity of the PRS compared to other tenures (CRER 2020; Shelter Wales; Netto et al. 2011). The Scottish Government recognises that the introduction of the Private Residential Tenancy (PRT) may improve security of tenure in the PRS for some, however, it is acknowledged that many tenants may not yet have moved over to the PRT^[22]. Quantitative survey research funded by the Nationwide Foundation, after the introduction of the PRT, found that tenants from non-white minority ethnic groups were still less likely to feel confident in challenging their landlord and dealing with disputes compared to their white counterparts (Nationwide Foundation 2020).

3.2 Living in the social rented sector

Although some factors influencing minority ethnic representation in the social rented sector have been noted above (see section 3.1.2), other factors including the inability of the sector to meet the housing needs of minority ethnic groups, negative perceptions of social housing and fears of racial harassment, also emerged as themes in the literature. The combination of these factors suggest that although social housing is often seen as preferable to the PRS, housing decisions for some minority ethnic groups often involve additional considerations which may not affect white Scottish/British households. 

3.2.1 Implications of living in the social rented sector

In terms of the potential implications of living in the social rented sector, a number of studies suggested that the inability of the sector to adequately meet the housing needs of some minority ethnic groups was a factor influencing the attractiveness of the tenure (Netto et al. 2011; Markannen 2009; Strachan & Donoghue 2009; Shelter England 2004; Netto et al. 2001). Frequently, studies suggested that a lack of larger accommodation (see Figure 11), meant that social housing stock failed to meet the needs of minority ethnic groups where larger or extended family living was more common (Netto et al. 2011). This shortage, as noted in section 2.4.3, is likely to disproportionately affect 'Pakistani', 'Arab' and 'Bangladeshi' families, where a higher proportion of households contain 3 or more dependent children. One study also noted this was a relatively common problem for refugees (Lindsay et al. 2010).

 

Other studies have noted that location is a particularly important factor for some minority ethnic groups and that social rented housing fails to meet these locational needs. Evidence suggests that this perception among some groups was linked to a belief that social rented housing was located in undesirable neighbourhoods, away from religious and cultural centres, family networks (Netto et al. 2011; Markannen 2009; Shelter England 2004), and in areas where crime was more common (Strachan & Donoghue 2009). However, one study reported that proximity to religious and cultural centres appeared to be less important for British-born minority ethnic groups (Markannen 2009).

In addition to the factors outlined above, several studies referenced the appreciable role that racial harassment can play in determining housing choices, particularly in the social rented sector (BEMIS 2016; Netto & Abazie 2012; Communities Scotland 2004b). Participants in a Glasgow study stated that it was difficult to find accommodation in areas they perceived to be free from racial harassment and for many, this was identified as the single most important factor in their decision-making process. The study found that the experience of racial harassment, in the form of pervasive and repetitive low levels of abuse from their neighbours, was also an issue for participants living on social housing estates (Netto & Abazie 2012) Notably, some minority ethnic individuals appeared to have a 'mental map' of safe spaces to which they wished to move (Phillips et al. 2008), while others avoided some social housing estates for fear of racial harassment (Communities Scotland 2004a). Findings which seem to be borne out by long waiting lists for social housing in certain areas (Netto & Abazie 2012). 

3.2.2 Access

Factors affecting access to the social rented sector also emerged. A number of studies noted a lack of awareness among some minority ethnic groups of the housing options available (Strachan & Donoghue 2009; Communities Scotland 2007; 2006; 2002). This lack of awareness, combined with the factors discussed above, as well as barriers to accessing housing information and advice services (see section 3.7.2) were reported to create and reinforce negative perceptions of social housing (Communities Scotland 2002). Specifically, that it was inappropriate to meet their needs, located in undesirable locations and often left families vulnerable to racial harassment.

3.3 Living in the owner occupied sector

As has been discussed previously in this report, see section 2.4.4, all minority ethnic groups were less likely to be living in the owner occupied sector than white Scottish/British households. Reasons in the literature for this under-representation included a lack of affordability and a lack of access to mortgage finance.

3.3.1 Implications of living in the owner occupied sector

Evidence suggests that the principal implications of living in the owner occupied sector are around affordability, although one study also identified homeowners who felt forced into the sector by other factors. Homeownership has traditionally been associated with a degree of financial success, due to the level of wealth accumulation required, and is often considered the tenure of aspiration (Netto et al. 2011). However, 'reluctant' homeowners have also been identified (Netto et al. 2011). A qualitative study on minority ethnic housing in Aberdeen found that although the majority of participants owned their homes, affordability seemed to be a key concern. There was a perception among participants that, had it been accessible and appropriate for their needs, they would have preferred social housing over homeownership (Netto et al. 2003b). This accords with combined SHS data from 2017-2019 (as discussed in section 3.1.1) where minority ethnic HIH households were more likely than white Scottish/British HIH households to experience difficulties paying their rent or mortgage (Scottish Government 2020a). In another study, there were indications that some minority ethnic households felt forced into the sector by experiences of racial harassment, a lack of suitably sized accommodation and preferences for a local area (Netto et al. 2011). 

Lower rates of homeownership among minority ethnic groups groups have also been attributed, in part, to the younger age profiles of these groups. As those in younger age profiles are less likely to have accumulated the wealth and material resources required to buy a property, it may be that the tenure is simply unaffordable for many (Scottish Government 2015). 

3.3.2 Access

The accessibility of the owner occupier sector emerged as a key theme in several studies (CRER 2020; Kara & Molyneux 2016; Netto et al. 2011). Using information on 29,732 households between 2003 and 2010, one study investigated whether ethnicity was a factor affecting the probability of households gaining access to mortgages in the UK. The study found that Black households with low incomes were less likely to hold mortgages compared to white households at similar income levels and other characteristics such as age and employment status. However, for Asian households there didn't appear to be a lower probability of gaining a mortgage in relation to white households at similar income levels (Kara & Molyneux 2016). Given this study was UK wide, it is unclear whether the findings are applicable in the Scottish context. However, it does raise important questions around whether some minority ethnic groups are being discriminated against when it comes to mortgage acquisition.

3.4 Housing condition 

Combined SHCS data from 2016-2019^[23] indicates that minority ethnic HIH households had mixed outcomes on key housing condition indicators compared to white Scottish/British HIH households, with some results showing similar outcomes and other results showing slight differences. On some indicators (Scottish Housing Quality Standard (SHQS)^[24]) housing conditions between minority ethnic HIH households and white Scottish/British HIH households are statistically similar but in terms of energy efficiency, outcomes for minority ethnic HIH households appear slightly better. However, there was some evidence that rates of disrepair are slightly higher for minority ethnic HIH households (Scottish Government 2020d). 

Several studies in the literature have suggested that poorer house condition amongst minority ethnic groups is due to living in the PRS (BEMIS 2016; Netto et al 2011; Lindsay et al. 2010; EHRC 2010). Where the SHCS data does show higher rates of disrepair, it is likely that living in the PRS is a contributing factor. As shown in section 2.4.4., minority ethnic HIH households on the whole are more likely to live in the PRS and less likely to be owner occupiers than white Scottish/British HIH households. SHCS data indicates that, although there is no difference in rates of disrepair between minority ethnic HIH households and white Scottish / British HIH households within any individual tenure, there is a difference for both groups in rates of disrepair between the PRS and owner occupied sectors, with the PRS having significantly higher rates of disrepair. The higher rates of disrepair in the PRS combined with the higher prevalence of PRS tenure for minority ethnic households is likely to contribute to the overall higher rates of disrepair amongst minority ethnic households (Scottish Government 2020d). 

3.4.1 Households as a whole

The same proportion (42%) of white Scottish/British and minority ethnic HIH households failed the SHQS. However, a slightly higher proportion of households with a minority ethnic HIH had some form of disrepair (any, urgent, critical and extensive) compared to households with a white Scottish/British HIH. This difference is statistically significant (see Figure 12). 

(White Scottish/British HIH Base = 10,951; Minority ethnic HIH Base = 856

3.4.2 Housing condition outcomes by tenure

Table 3 shows the differences in outcomes on key housing condition indicators for white Scottish/British HIH households and minority ethnic HIH households by tenure. These figures are presented as percentages of the total household count of each group in each tenure. This analysis indicates that levels of disrepair were similar for minority ethnic HIH households and white Scottish/British HIH households within each tenure group. Although there were minor differences in levels of disrepair between between these groups in each tenure, these differences were not found to be statistically significant (Scottish Government 2020d). 

Table 3: Housing condition indicators by tenure and ethnicity of HIH, SHCS 2016-2019)

Housing condition indicator	Owner occupied		Private rented		Social rented
	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic
Failed SHQS	42%	42%	54%	47%	38%	33%
Any disrepair	66%	68%	80%	78%	75%	78%
Any urgent disrepair	26%	28%	36%	38%	29%	30%
Any critical disrepair	48%	49%	63%	66%	54%	55%
Any extensive disrepair	5%	7%	8%	8%	6%	10%

(White Scottish/British HIH Base = 10,951; Minority ethnic HIH Base = 856)

However, there were statistically significant differences in levels of disrepair for both Scottish/British HIH households and minority ethnic HIH households when outcomes are compared between tenures rather than between groups.

White Scottish/British HIH households in the PRS had higher levels of disrepair (any, urgent, critical and extensive) than white Scottish/British HIH households in the owner occupied sector. Similarly, white Scottish/British HIH households in the PRS had higher levels of any, urgent and critical disrepair than white Scottish/British HIH households in the social rented sector although extensive disrepair was similar. White Scottish/British HIH households in the social rented sector had higher levels of any, urgent and critical disrepair than white Scottish/British HIH households in the owner occupied sector although extensive disrepair was similar.

Minority ethnic HIH households in the PRS had higher levels of any, urgent and critical disrepair than minority ethnic HIH households in the owner occupied sector. In comparison, levels of disrepair in minority ethnic households in the PRS were generally similar to those in the social rented sector with the exception of critical disrepair which was higher for minority ethnic PRS households than minority ethnic HIH households in the social rented sector. Minority ethnic HIH households in the social sector also had higher levels of any disrepair than minority ethnic HIH households in the owner occupied sector (Scottish Government 2020d).

3.4.3 Heating and energy efficiency

Several studies across the literature identified concerns around a lack of central heating or inefficient heating for minority ethnic households (Communities Scotland 2004a; Netto et al. 2004; Netto et al 2003a,b). A study in Angus and Dundee found that all BME groups, except Indian households, were less likely to have central heating than their white counterparts (Communities Scotland 2004a). Census results (see Table 4) indicate there are higher proportions of minority ethnic groups without central heating than White Scottish and White British, although the proportions overall are low (National Records of Scotland 2016). 

Table 4: No central heating in household by ethnic group of Household Reference Person ( HRP), Census 2011 

Ethnicity	White: Scottish	White: Other British	White: Other	Mixed	Asian	African	Caribbean or Black	Other ethnic
Households with no central heating	1.6%	2.5%	3.2%	2.6%	3.3%	4.4%	3.7%	2.7%

(White Scottish/British HIH Base: 4,785,735; Minority ethnic HIH Base: 35,8565)

However, more recent SHCS data from 2016-2019 suggests that on some indicators housing conditions are not worse for minority ethnic HIH households and in terms of energy efficiency, indeed in some cases are slightly better. Secondary analysis of the SHCS (see Figure 13) found that statistically significant differences existed in the proportion of minority ethnic and white Scottish/British HIH households with EPC band C and EPC band D ratings . A higher proportion of minority ethnic HIH households overall (48%) had an EPC band C or higher compared to white Scottish/British HIH households overall (40%). In contrast, a lower proportion of minority ethnic HIH households overall (33%) had an EPC band D compared white Scottish/British HIH households overall (42%).

(White Scottish/British HIH Base = 10,951; Minority ethnic HIH Base = 856)

3.4.4 Energy efficiency by tenure

When figures are compared between white Scottish/British HIH households and minority ethnic HIH households by tenure (see Table 5), we can see mixed results. Analysis shows that the statistically significant difference in the proportion of minority ethnic and white Scottish/British HIH households with an EPC band C and EPC band D rating is present in the owner occupied and social rented sector but not between these groups in the private rented sector. This indicates that within the owner occupied and social rented sector, minority ethnic HIH households are more likely to be living in households with a higher energy efficiency rating (Scottish Government 2020d).

Table 5: EPC rating of dwellings by tenure by the ethnicity of the HIH, SHCS 2016-2019 

EPC Band	Owner occupied		Private rented		Social rented
	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic	White Scottish/British	Minority ethnic
B	2%	3%	3%	3%	4%	7%
C	36%	46%	36%	42%	51%	59%
D	44%	33%	36%	35%	38%	31%
E	13%	14%	15%	*	5%	*
F-G	5%	4%	10%	*	1%	*

(White Scottish/British HIH Base = 10,951; Minority ethnic HIH Base = 856)
A "*" indicates where data has been suppressed due to small sample sizes

When figures are compared across tenure rather than between groups, outcomes for both minority ethnic HIH households and white Scottish/British households follow a similar pattern to tenures overall, with those HIH households in the social rented sector living in more energy efficient housing. 

White Scottish/British HIH households in the social rented sector had higher energy efficiency ratings than white Scottish/British HIH households in the owner occupied sector with a higher proportion of households with an EPC band C or above and a lower proportion of households with an EPC band D. A higher proportion of white Scottish/British HIH households in the social rented sector had an EPC band C or above compared to White Scottish/British HIH households in the PRS. A lower proportion of White Scottish/British HIH households in the PRS had an EPC band D compared to white Scottish/British HIH households in the owner occupied sector. 

Minority ethnic HIH households in the social rented sector had higher energy efficiency ratings than minority ethnic HIH households in the owner occupied sector and PRS, with a higher proportion of households with an EPC band C or above. Minority ethnic HIH households in the PRS had similar EPC ratings to minority ethnic HIH households in the owner occupied sector (Scottish Government 2020d). 

3.4.5 Other factors

Households do differ on some key indicators, such as overcrowding (see section 3.5) but are also broadly similar on others, such as fuel poverty (see section 2.4.7). Due to small sample sizes, several ethnic sub-groups have been grouped together under the category 'minority ethnic'. This means the analysis is unable to provide insight on whether specific ethnic sub-groups experience poorer housing outcomes than others (Scottish Government 2020d). 

3.4.6 Experience of living with poor housing outcomes

There are some studies that have explored the experience of living with poor housing conditions (BEMIS 2016; Netto et al 2011; Lindsay et al. 2010; EHRC 2010). For example, lived experience research with 16 members of the Afghan community in Glasgow found that those allocated social housing generally considered aspects of the property 'unfit for human habitation'. In some cases, participants were left with little option but to carry out repair works themselves out of health necessity, with no recourse for reimbursement from housing authorities (BEMIS 2016). Five older studies on A8 migrants all found evidence of substandard accommodation, including unsafe living conditions, poor furnishings and inadequate heating (Sim et al. 2007; Collins 2007, Blake Stevenson 2007; de Lima et al. 2007; Hall Aitken 2007). For many participants there seemed to be an acceptance of these conditions and a trade-off between lower standard of accommodation and lower rents (Collins 2007; de Lima et al 2007). 

3.5 Occupancy levels

According to the Housing (Scotland) Act 1987^[25] a dwelling is overcrowded for the purposes of the Act when the number of persons sleeping in the dwelling contravenes either the 'room standard' or the 'space standard'. This is commonly referred to as the 'bedroom standard', where accommodation is defined as 'overcrowded' if it is one or two bedrooms below this level (see Annex 2 for definition). It is noted that this definition is for legislative purposes and some minority ethnic households may not consider themselves to be overcrowded, perceptions of overcrowding may also differ within and between groups.

As shown in Figure 14, analysis of the 2011 Census demonstrates that 'White: Polish' households had the highest rate of overcrowded households (30%), followed by 'Bangladeshi' and 'African' households (28%). Conversely 'White: Scottish' and 'White: Other British' households were the least likely to be overcrowded (8% and 6% respectively) and were the most likely to be under-occupied (National Records of Scotland 2016).

(Base: 2,372,777)

Similarly, combined SHCS data from 2016-2019 demonstrates that a significantly higher proportion of households with a minority ethnic HIH were overcrowded (7%), compared to households with a white Scottish/British HIH (2%) (Scottish Government 2020d). Although the sample size is too small to provide analysis on specific ethnic groups, it does illustrate that high rates of overcrowding continue to be an issue for minority ethnic households.

These analyses accord with findings from the literature, where a number of studies identified high rates of overcrowding among minority ethnic households, and at higher levels compared to white Scottish/British households (Netto 2018; Netto et al. 2011; EHRC 2010; Netto et al. 2001).

3.5.1 Impacts of overcrowding

The literature indicates that overcrowding can have a considerable impact on family relationships, health and the development and education of children. A review of the literature on housing and ethnic minorities by Shankley and Finney (2020), identified substantial physical and mental health implications linked to overcrowding. In this study, overcrowded conditions were seen to impact on the quality of life within the home and limit opportunities for engaging in social and leisure activities (Shankley & Finney 2020). In other studies, overcrowding and lack of adequate space were found to be a contributing factors in inter-generational conflict, which could result in a deterioration or breakdown in relationships within extended families (Netto 2006; Shelter England 2004). Detrimental impacts on children's education were also noted. These were attributed to overcrowding either directly through a lack of space to study or indirectly because school absences caused by illness may be related to overcrowding (Jones 2010; Shelter England 2005). 

3.5.2 Reasons for overcrowding 

The literature suggests that reasons for overcrowding are complex and linked to the intersection of multiple underlying factors. For example, one study found that the levels of overcrowding experienced by different groups cannot be attributed to household size alone, but are the result of the interplay between household size, availability of appropriate accommodation and ability to access such accommodation (GLA 2009).

A briefing paper for the Race Equality Foundation observed that reasons for overcrowding can include larger household sizes and extended families living together, lower availability of housing of a sufficient size that is affordable and/or housing being outwith desired locations (Jones 2010). It was noted that for any given household size, overcrowding appeared to be higher in BME households, suggesting that higher overcrowding rates among such households had less to do with family size and more to do with poverty and poor housing (Jones 2010). Other studies suggested that, to a certain extent, overcrowding may be linked to a motivation to save as much money as possible, therefore indicating an element of choice (de Lima et al. 2007; Hall Aitken 2007).

3.6 Homelessness

Ethnicity has been found to be one of the key characteristics^[26] that increases the likelihood of experiencing homelessness for some groups (Bramley & Fitzpatrick 2018). 

Using data from the Homelessness in Scotland: 2019 to 2020^[27] report, minority ethnic households accounted for 14% of homelessness applications made (Scottish Government 2020f), which is broadly similar to the 11% of people who identified as minority ethnic in the Scottish Survey Core Questions (SSCQ). A similar proportion of applications were made by those from a minority ethnic background in 2018/19, where minority ethnic applicants made up 12% of those assessed^[28] (Scottish Government 2019d). Data from 2019/20 indicates that of 36,855 homelessness applications made, 27,344 (74%) of main applicants were of 'White: Scottish' ethnicity and 2,590 (7%) were 'White: British'. In this period, homelessness applications where the main applicant was minority ethnic were most likely to come from the 'Other ethnic' group, accounting for 1,847 (6%) of homelessness applications, a rise of 27% from 2018/19. Those identifying as 'White: Other' and 'White: Polish' accounted for 3% and 2% of applications respectively, while the 'African', Caribbean or Black' and 'Asian, Asian Scottish or Asian British' groups each accounted for 1% of applications (Scottish Government 2020f). 

Evidence in the literature suggests that certain minority ethnic groups are over-represented in homelessness applications (Shankley & Finney 2020; Netto et al. 2011; Netto et al. 2004), such as 'Black' (Shankley & Finney 2020) and 'non-white other' groups (Netto et al. 2011), and some may be slightly under-represented such as 'Chinese' households (Netto et al. 2004). Given the differences in defining ethnicity between the data sources, small sample sizes and lack of up to date population data, it is difficult to determine whether specific minority ethnic groups are indeed over-represented in homelessness applications compared to white Scottish/British groups. Therefore, these findings should be treated with caution. 

3.6.1 Perceptions of homelessness

Some studies noted differences in the meanings attached to homelessness between and within communities (Netto et al. 2011; Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004). For example, new arrivals to Scotland living with relatives in overcrowded conditions were less likely to perceive themselves as homeless compared to UK-born households forced to live with relatives due to constrained access to housing (Netto 2006). 

Factors influencing perceptions of homelessness included: 

• length of UK residence, 
• familiarity with the housing system, 
• awareness of housing rights and options,
• expectations of the service homelessness agencies could provide (Netto 2006). 

Minority ethnic groups were reported as less likely to sleep rough and more likely to stay with friends and relatives, making homelessness in these communities less visible (Netto 2006). This lack of visibility means that higher levels of 'hidden homelessness'^[29] may have went unnoticed among some minority ethnic groups (Shelter Wales 2015; ODPM 2005; Netto et al. 2004). 

People who do not recognise themselves as homeless are less likely to see homelessness services as relevant to their situation and therefore less likely to access appropriate support (Netto 2006; Netto et al 2004). 

3.6.1 Reasons for over-representation

Various reasons for over-representation of some ethnic minority groups in homelessness applications are suggested in the literature, including:

• lack of awareness of housing procedures and rights
• lack of awareness of the services and advice available
• lack of appropriate temporary and permanent accommodation
• financial constraints
• relationship breakdown, including domestic abuse

However, as several studies noted, minority ethnic groups are not homogenous and may not experience homelessness in the same way, with variation both within and between groups. Therefore, multiple factors are likely to play a part in homelessness risk and experience (Shelter Wales 2015; Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004).

A lack of visibility, accessibility and appropriateness of mainstream services were found to be key barriers to individuals accessing support (Shelter Wales 2015). For recent arrivals, this effect appeared to be particularly pronounced (Netto et al. 2004). Access to services is discussed further in section 3.6.

Inappropriate temporary and permanent accommodation appeared to increase and maintain homelessness vulnerability, due to the accommodation offered by housing services not meeting the needs of minority ethnic groups (Shelter Wales 2015). For some individuals, unmet need was linked to a lack of adequately sized housing to accommodate larger and extended families, leading to overcrowding and its associated issues (see section 3.5) (Shelter Wales 2015; Netto et al. 2004).The location of temporary accommodation was seen to be important, and in particular, the desire to be located away from areas they perceived to be 'unsafe' (Shelter Wales 2015; Netto 2006). Racially motivated incidents were noted in two studies as a factor which led people to leave their accommodation and seek alternative housing, or in extreme cases to leave the area (Netto & Abazie 2012; Netto et al. 2004).

Financial constraints were a major barrier faced by those affected by homelessness in seeking alternative accommodation of their own. Studies found difficulties existed around access to affordable housing, with many participants reporting that their low income meant that mortgages were unaffordable and rents in the PRS were formidably high (Netto 2006). These difficulties were considered by researchers to lead to an increased risk of housing precarity and subsequent homelessness (Shankley & Finney 2020; Netto 2006).For tenants in the PRS, the shortfall between Local Housing Allowance (LHA) rates and levels of market rents also appeared to play a role (CRER 2020).

Loss of PRS accommodation was commonly cited in the literature as a cause of homelessness among some minority ethnic groups. This appeared to be due to the relative unaffordability of rents (Strachan & Donoghue 2009; Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004) and a lack of awareness of housing rights among some groups, which could leave them vulnerable to illegal evictions (Shelter Wales 2015). For these reasons, improving security of tenure has been suggested as an effective method of reducing homelessness, particularly when good landlord practices are followed and good quality, affordable accommodation provided (Scottish Government 2019d; Shelter Wales 2015).

The link suggested in the literature between vulnerability to homelessness and residence in the PRS cannot be determined with certainty in homelessness statistics. In Homelessness in Scotland: 2019-20 – Equalities Breakdowns^[30], minority ethnic applicants were more likely to come from the PRS than other tenures (see Figure 14) (Scottish Government 2020e). However, as section 2.4.4 notes, a higher proportion of minority ethnic households are living in the PRS, so it may be that homelessness applications from this sector are simply reflecting the higher numbers of some groups private renting, making it difficult to draw firm conclusions. In 2019/20, of 4110 minority ethnic applicants, 18% (740 applicants) became homeless from the PRS, compared to 17% of 'White Scottish/British applicants. When broken down by ethnic group, applicants from some groups appeared to be more likely to become homeless from this sector than 'White Scottish/British' applicants. For example, around a quarter of 'White: Other', 'Asian, Asian Scottish or Asian British' and 'White: Polish' applicants became homeless from the PRS and around a fifth of 'African' and 'Caribbean or Black' applicants. For some ethnic groups this effect was less pronounced, such as in the 'Mixed multiple' or 'Other ethnic' groups, where applicants from the PRS accounted for 16% and 11% of applicants respectively (Scottish Government 2020e). 

(Base: 2,372,777)

A breakdown in relationships was reported as a contributory factor to homelessness in several studies (Shelter Wales 2015, Netto 2006; ODPM 2005; Netto et al. 2004). As we have seen, minority ethnic households are more likely to be overcrowded than white Scottish/British households (see section 3.5). Overcrowded conditions and the consequent lack of privacy, particularly for younger people, were seen to make relationship breakdowns more likely, which could in turn lead to sudden homelessness (Netto et al. 2004; Netto 2006). 

For women in particular, relationship breakdown linked to domestic abuse also emerged as a common theme in the context of homelessness vulnerability (Shelter Wales 2015, Netto 2006; ODPM 2005; Netto et al. 2004). In these instances, the loss of the family home and associated support from the community was seen to leave some minority ethnic women in a place of acute need, due to a lack of language skills (Shelter Wales 2015), informal support and financial means (Netto et al. 2004). For some female participants, there were reports of extreme isolation when they chose to leave, due to a perception they were violating community norms by leaving the marital home (Netto et al. 2011; Netto 2006).

Homelessness data from 2019/2020 indicates that some minority ethnic groups were more likely than 'White: Scottish' applicants to cite a violent or abusive dispute as the main reason for their homeless application (see Table 6). Of these groups, applicants of 'Asian', 'Asian Scottish' or 'Asian British' ethnicity were most likely to cite a violent or abusive dispute as the main reason for their application. This accounts for 25% of all applications from this group, compared to 13% of 'White: Scottish' and 16% of 'White: Other British' applications (Scottish Government 2019d).

Table 6: Main reason for making an application for homelessness 2019-20 - dispute within household: violent or abusive, 

Ethnicity	Count	Proportion of all applications (%)
White: Scottish	3,555	13%
White: Other British	410	16%
White: Irish	25	11%
White: Other	160	16%
White: Polish	95	16%
African	60	15%
Caribbean or Black	20	10%
Asian, Asian Scottish or Asian British	130	25%
Mixed or multiple ethnic groups	15	14%
Other ethnic group	120	6%

(Base: 36,855)

In a mixed-methods study in Scotland, recent arrival in the country was found to be a factor in homelessness vulnerability. For new migrants, recent arrival often exacerbated problems which were commonly faced by minority ethnic households already resident in Scotland, such as lack of knowledge of housing application procedures and housing rights, and limited sources of potential support (Netto et al. 2004). 

3.7 Access and use of housing services

Low levels of uptake of housing services by minority ethnic households was mentioned by a number of studies across the literature (Netto & Abazie 2012; Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004; Netto et al. 2001). Generally, mainstream services were seen by participants as less likely than specialist services^[31] to take account of the specific needs of minority ethnic groups. This perception was attributed to the failure of these organisations to offer services such as translation, literacy support, specialised legal advice and information about the availability of culturally appropriate accommodation (Netto 2018). One study states that in failing to account for minority ethnic needs, the offering of some mainstream services in Scotland could be regarded as heavily racialised (Netto 2018).

3.7.1 Specialist agencies

Netto's (2006) mixed-methods based study into BME use of homelessness services, found that specialist minority ethnic services were more likely to report a higher service usage from minority ethnic communities than those that were mainstream (Netto 2006). In particular, specialist homelessness services were found to have a greater understanding of the extent and distinctive ways in which in which homelessness manifests in communities, and were able to offer culturally sensitive provision in the languages spoken by their clients (Netto 2006). 

In a UK-wide review of research projects focusing on race and ethnicity, BME service users felt mainstream services were often inappropriate for their needs and that services made assumptions based on stereotypes and prejudice about users' needs and what they may want to access (Chahal 2004). 

In a qualitative study with refugees in Scotland, participants argued that making mainstream services more inclusive and accessible would mean there was less need for specialist services. It was acknowledged by participants that many of the issues refugees have to deal with are experienced by the general population. Therefore, improvements in service provision and better engagement would benefit all service users (Lindsay et al. 2010). Improved partnership working between specialist and mainstream services was regarded by researchers in one study as key to improving the accessibility and appropriateness of services for BME individuals (Netto & Gavrielides 2010).

3.7.2 Barriers to accessing mainstream services

Across the literature, a number of barriers were identified which may make minority ethnic groups less likely or unable to access mainstream services:

• language difficulties 
• low levels of awareness of services and a lack of knowledge around what they could offer 
• lack of cultural awareness within mainstream services
• fear or experience of racism, including institutional racism

Language difficulties emerged as the most common barrier across the literature. Although English language skills varied widely between different groups (as noted previously in section 2.4.5), difficulties appeared to be more pronounced for asylum seekers and refugees (Netto & Fraser 2010), newly arrived migrants (Shelter Wales 2015) and older members of some communities (Shelter England 2007). Those who found language less of a barrier to advice tended to be longer-standing UK residents, who were mostly British born, and as a result had a good standard of English (Shelter England 2007). 

Low levels of literacy were particularly problematic where there was a lack of translation services (Shelter England 2007). Individuals lacking good English language skills were more likely to seek advice from services with staff who were able to provide advice in their language (Shelter England 2007; Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004) and where this support was not available, they tended to rely on their community for informal support (Shelter England 2007). One study with older BME people noted that language requirements played a key role in whether participants saw supported housing as an attractive option (Joshi 2020). 

Poor language skills also contributed to low levels of awareness of services and what they can offer. For example, some participants reported that they lacked the knowledge or confidence to approach homelessness services, and that this situation was often exacerbated by language difficulties (Communities Scotland 2006; 2004b). In a South Lanarkshire study where similar findings emerged, these barriers appeared to be particularly acute for older people (Communities Scotland 2006). 

A lack, or perceived lack, of cultural awareness within mainstream services was noted by several studies (Netto 2018; Shelter Wales 2015; Lindsay at al. 2010; Netto 2006). In research by Shelter Wales (2015), this lack of cultural awareness and sensitivity was referred to as a 'cultural void' within mainstream services, which discouraged BME service users from accessing these organisations. In Scotland, similar issues were identified in a review of homelessness agencies, where many agencies appeared uncertain about the appropriateness of their service for minority ethnic communities (Netto 2006). 

A number of studies noted that racism among housing staff could be a potential barrier to the accessibility of services (Netto 2018; Lindsay et al. 2010; Netto & Fraser 2010; Netto et al. 2004) Such attitudes were considered by researchers to manifest in the discriminatory treatment experienced by some minority ethnic service users and in the negative stereotypes held by some staff (Netto 2018; Netto & Fraser 2010; Shelter England 2007). Ethnic diversity among housing service staff appeared to improve the likelihood that the service would be used by minority ethnic communities (Netto 2006). Culturally specific services were held in high regard by participants of one study for the way that they were able to provide both an empathetic and practical approach (Communities Scotland 2004b).

3.8 Specific vulnerabilities

Studies show that while individuals from minority ethnic communities face many common housing problems and often find accessing services difficult, certain groups face particular challenges where ethnicity intersects with other protected characteristics.

3.8.1 Minority ethnic women

In the case of BME women escaping domestic abuse, the loss of a home is often compounded by a sense of isolation due to loss of a community and attendant informal support (Netto 2006; Netto et al. 2004). These vulnerabilities make appropriate refuge space or temporary accommodation particularly important. However, there is some evidence that this need is not being met (Revive 2020; Netto 2006). Analysis by a UK-wide housing relocation service specialising in domestic abuse, identified a number of additional barriers experienced by BAME service users when trying to access housing and domestic abuse services, including:

• limited access to translators
• cultural background not considered or misunderstood
• religious practices and rituals not acknowledged
• assumptions made based on the survivor's age and ethnicity
• prejudices around marital backgrounds
• insufficient support around socio-economic factors, particularly to overcome poverty (Revive 2020).

When minority ethnic women were able to access refuge space or temporary accommodation, experiences of racism and prejudiced attitudes were a concern. BME women in one study reported feeling unsafe and intimidated in temporary accommodation (Communities 2004b), while participants in another study felt forced to return home due to the racism they experienced from other residents in mainstream hostels (Shelter England 2004). 

3.8.2 Older people

Studies with older people found that they were more likely than younger people to stay in accommodation which did not fully meet their needs. Reasons for this included a lack of confidence in approaching and dealing with services (Shelter Wales 2015; Shelter England 2007) and a desire to maintain independence and autonomy (Joshi 2020). Similarly to other minority ethnic groups, location was also seen to be particularly important for older minority ethnic people. This often meant that if social housing was not available in a desired area (one which was safe and near to local amenities) they would choose to stay in unsuitable accommodation because they felt they had no choice (Joshi 2020). 

In a mixed-methods study in Scotland, researchers viewed the ability of the home to adapt alongside aging residents as crucial to ensuring older people were able to maintain their independence (Joshi 2020). For some participants, mobility issues had an appreciable impact on their quality of life and as a consequence, accessing support to install adaptations was an immediate priority. Language difficulties or a lack of awareness of what support was available often delayed the adaptations being made (Joshi 2020). 

Research in Wales suggests that older people with a lack of English language skills or those living with a limiting health condition or disability could face additional barriers in accessing housing services. In those cases where health conditions affected mobility, travelling to or accessing services without support was particularly difficult for some participants (Shelter Wales 2015). 

3.9 Covid-19 and housing

Emerging evidence in several studies indicates that minority ethnic communities have been disproportionately affected by the Covid-19 pandemic (McKee et al. 2020; Platt & Warwick 2020; Public Health England 2020), with intersections between health, housing and income inequality (McKee et al. 2020). Qureshi et al. (2020) suggest that minority ethnic populations may be more susceptible to critical complications if they catch Covid-19, not because ethnic and racial categories are themselves a factor but because they intersect with underlying social determinants which leave them at increased risk. 

3.9.1 Reasons for increased risk

Various interlinking factors have been associated with unequal Covid-19 exposure, vulnerabilities and outcomes. These include:

• household quality

• overcrowding
• air pollution
• underlying health conditions (comorbidities) 
• access to healthcare

Research carried out in Birmingham explored the role of social determinants of health, including specific deprivation indicators such as household quality, household overcrowding and air pollution, and their effect on Intensive Therapy Unit (ITU) admission and outcomes for people testing positive for Covid-19 (Soltan et al. 2020). Around a third of the patients in the study were from a BAME background. Exposure to air pollutants (Wonjun 2017) and household overcrowding (Cardoso 2004) have previously been found to be associated with increased incidences of pneumonia within the population as a whole. A comparative study between England and the Netherlands found that the worst air pollution levels were in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods with a high population of BME households (Fecht et al. 2014). 

The Birmingham study found that air pollution and housing quality deprivation^[32] were potential indicators of increased risk of developing multi-lobar pneumonia^[33] among Covid-19 positive patients. Further, Covid-19 patients presenting with both multi-lobar pneumonia and experience of household overcrowding deprivation were at greater risk of ITU admission. Patients of BAME ethnicity were more likely to be admitted from regions with the highest levels of air pollution, housing quality and household overcrowding deprivation - factors which the researchers viewed as contributing towards the higher ITU admissions reported among Covid-19 patients from BAME groups (Soltan et al. 2020). 

Notably, irrespective of deprivation, the presence of comorbidities, including those which BAME people in Scotland have been shown to experience at a higher rate (Walsh 2018), appeared to increase the risk of death among Covid-19 positive patients (Soltan et al. 2020). Quantitative analysis by the Runnymede Trust and IPPR in England and Wales, estimated that comorbidities increased the risk of death by 5%. The study found that differences in housing conditions (such as overcrowding) also played a key role in increased risk, alongside differential access to healthcare (Kapoor et al. 2020).

In addition to the health vulnerabilities outlined above, disproportionate risks of exposure to Covid-19 have also been reported in the literature. Housing experiences of minority ethnic groups can make it harder to protect oneself from Covid-19, due to higher incidences of overcrowding and a lack of space, (Qureshi et al. 2020) and have been shown in other research to intersect with transmission, morbidity and mortality (Public Health England 2020). As has been noted in section 3.5, overcrowding is a particular issue for some minority ethnic groups in Scotland, which could make it harder to practice social distancing at home. Higher rates of multi-generational and extended family living may also create difficulties when trying to 'shield' those who are more vulnerable (Kapoor et al. 2020; McKee et al. 2020; Qureshi 2020). 

3.9.2 Other implications

Inequalities in living conditions as people spend more time at home have also been highlighted by the pandemic. Research by the Resolution Foundation in England found that those aged 55 and over from BAME backgrounds occupied homes with 30% less useable space than their white counterparts, while children from BAME backgrounds experienced poorer quality indoor conditions, such as damp, and had less access to outdoor space than white children. The study noted that the negative effect of these living conditions was amplified under lockdown, resulting in an appreciable impact on outcomes for people from BAME backgrounds. For example, meaning they experienced poorer outcomes on wellbeing and health than their white counterparts (Judge & Rahman 2020).

Greater reliance on private rented accommodation by minority ethnic groups was also seen to place them in a position of greater vulnerability to the affordability pressures of renting (McKee et al. 2020). Whilst measures remain in place to prevent evictions in the short-term, this could lead to mounting rent arrears and debt accumulation for affected households (McKee et al. 2020). A poll by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in June 2020 across all ethnic groups found that 45% of renters have already seen a drop in income since March 2020 and 42% of renters are worried about their ability to pay rent (Hetherington 2020).