Scottish Social Attitudes survey 2021/22: attitudes data

Chapter 3: Views on level of tax and spend, redistribution, government priorities, the health service and the economy

This chapter examines attitudes towards taxation and spending in Scotland, views on the redistribution of income, and public priorities for government action. It also details perceptions of the health service, the economy, and standards of living in Scotland. It addresses the following key questions:

• Do people in Scotland feel that levels of taxation and public spending should be increased, decreased, or maintained at current levels?
• Do people in Scotland believe that government should play a role in the redistribution of income across society?
• What do the public perceive to be the key policy issues for the Scottish Government to address?
• Are people in Scotland satisfied with the NHS, and do they believe that standards within the health service have risen or fallen during the past 12 months?
• Do people in Scotland feel that the strength of the economy and the standard of living have increased or decreased, and who do they believe is responsible for this?

Attitudes towards the level of taxation and government spending

In 2021/22, SSA presented respondents with the following question aimed at gauging their views on taxation and public spending:

'Suppose the government had to choose between the three options on this card. Which do you think it should choose?'

Reduce taxes and spend less on health, education and social benefits

Keep taxes and spending on these services at the same level as now

Increase taxes and spend more on health, education and social benefits

Almost two-thirds (64%) felt that levels of taxation and public spending should be increased, while just under one-third (32%) believed that the government should keep levels of taxation and spending the same as they are now. Three percent of people in Scotland said that the government should reduce taxes and spend less on health, education, and social benefits.

How do these attitudes vary by sub-group?

Attitudes towards taxation and spending varied by party identity and views on both Scotland's constitutional future and the UK's place within the EU. Just 33% of Conservative Party supporters, for example, backed an increase in taxes and spending on key public services, while 73% of SNP, 86% of Scottish Green Party, 66% of Labour Party and 62% of Liberal Democrat supporters adopted this stance. Meanwhile, three-quarters (75%) of those who support Scottish independence and seven in ten (70%) of those who believe that Britain should remain a member of the EU were in favour of an increase in taxation and public spending, compared with one half (50%) of those who believe Scotland should remain a part of the UK and just over four in ten (42%) of those who support Britain's departure from the EU. In addition to differences in attitudes between those on either side of the debate around both Scotland's constitutional future and the UK's relationship with Europe, there was also variance between those with a positive perception of Scotland's handling of the pandemic and those with a negative perception: among the former, support for increased taxation and spending was 77%, while among the latter this figure was measured at 46%.

Views also differed notably by social and political values; while 77% of those on the left supported increasing taxes and spending more on health, education, and social benefits, only 46% of those on the right shared this view. Attitudes also diverged between those with more liberal social values and those with a more authoritarian outlook; 83% of liberals favoured an increase in taxation and public spending, compared with 44% of their authoritarian counterparts who did so. Views also varied between those who display an interest in politics and those who do not: 74% of those who state that they have 'a great deal' of interest in politics supported a rise in taxes and spending, while among those who assert that they have either 'not very much' interest in politics or 'none at all' the equivalent figure stood at just 40%.

Logistic regression analysis was conducted to determine the main drivers behind views on levels of taxation and public spending.^[37] This analysis indicates that an individual's position on SSA's liberal-authoritarian scale played a key role in shaping their attitudes towards taxation and spending. Controlling for all other variables, the odds of an individual with more liberal views stating that the government should increase taxes and spend more on public services were 7.5 times that of an individual with a more authoritarian outlook. Attitudes towards Scotland's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic were also associated with views on taxation and spending. Once again, controlling for all other variables, the odds of an individual who assessed Scotland's handling of the pandemic either positively or neutrally suggesting that taxation and spending should be increased were three times that of an individual who assessed Scotland's handling of the pandemic negatively.

Attitudes towards the redistribution of income

In addition to giving their views on taxation and public spending, in SSA 2021/22 respondents were also asked about the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with the following statement on the redistribution of income:

'Government should redistribute income from the better-off to those who are less well-off'

Just over two-thirds (68%) of people in Scotland said they support redistribution of income: 37% 'agree strongly' with the principle of redistribution as framed by the question, while a further 30% 'agree'. Meanwhile, just under one in six (16%) opposed the principle of redistribution: 12% 'disagree' with the statement, and a further 4% 'disagree strongly' that government should redistribute income from the better-off to the less well-off.

Table 3.1: 'Government should redistribute income from the better-off to those who are less well-off' (2021/22)

	(%)
Agree strongly	38
Agree	30
Neither agree nor disagree	16
Disagree	12
Disagree strongly	4
Don't know/Refusal	*
Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

How do these attitudes vary by sub-group?

As with views on taxation and public spending, attitudes towards redistribution varied by party identity, constitutional preference, and feelings towards the UK's place within the EU. Around half of Lib Dem supporters (51%) and around eight in ten SNP supporters (79%), Labour supporters (80%) and Scottish Green party supporters (84%) backed the principle of redistribution, compared with just under three in ten Conservative party supporters (29%) who adopted this stance. Meanwhile, 80% of those who support Scottish independence and 75% of those who believe that Britain should remain a member of the EU were in favour of the redistribution of income from the better-off to the less well-off, compared with just 52% of those who believe Scotland should remain a part of the UK and 41% of those who support Britain's departure from the EU. Attitudes once again diverged by views on Scotland's handling of the pandemic: eight in ten (80%) of those with a positive perception of Scotland's management of the consequences of COVID-19 support the principle of redistribution, while around a half (51%) of those with a negative perception feel that the government should redistribute income from the better-off to the less well-off.

Public opinion on the principle of redistribution also varied by social values. Although 85% of the most liberal third of Scots felt that government should redistribute income from those who are better off to those who are less well-off, this figure stands at 53% among those with more authoritarian values.^[38] Also, while 25% of authoritarians said they disagreed with the principle of redistribution, just 6% of liberals did so. Views on redistribution also varied by interest in politics, with 79% of those who have 'a great deal' of interest in politics supportive of redistribution compared with just 57% of those with 'some' interest in politics and 58% of those with either 'not very much' or 'none at all'.

Attitudes also differed by area deprivation: while 13% in the most deprived quintile and 12% in both the second-most and third-most deprived quintiles either 'disagree' or 'disagree strongly' with the principle of redistribution, the equivalent figure was 21% among those in the least deprived and second-least deprived quintiles. In addition, those in rural areas were more likely to either 'disagree' or 'disagree strongly' with the principle of redistribution than those living in urban areas; while 20% of the former felt that government should not redistribute income from the better-off to the less well-off, just 14% of the latter shared this view.

Priorities for government action

In order to understand the public's view on government action across key areas of policy, SSA 2021/22 asked its respondents which of a series of policy goals the Scottish Government should have as its number one priority.

Table 3.2 displays the distribution of responses to this question. Top of the Scottish public's list of policy priorities is improving standards of education, with just over one in five (21%) selecting this response option in 2021/22. A similar proportion indicated that the Scottish Government's top priority should be reducing inequality, with 19% choosing this option. A further 18% said that the Scottish Government should prioritise improving the economy, while 17% thought that the top priority for the Scottish Government should be to improve people's health.

Table 3.2: Priorities for government action (2021/22)

	(%)
Improve standards of education	21
Reduce inequality	19
Improve the economy	18
Improve people's health	17
Improve housing	10
Reduce environmental problems	8
Improve public transport	2
Cut crime	1
Other	3
Don't know/Refusal	1
Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

How does this vary by sub-groups?

People's priorities for government action varied by age. For instance, while 20% of those aged 45-54 and 65 and over, and 28% of those aged 55-64 identified 'improving the economy' as their highest priority, just 10% of those aged 16-34 did so. Meanwhile, at 30%, those aged 16-34 were more likely than their counterparts in all other age groups to point to the reduction of inequality as their number one priority, as shown in Figure 3.1.

Base: all respondents

There was also variation by gender for these priorities; for example, although 23% of men highlighted 'improving the economy' as their highest priority for government action, only 13% of women did so. Conversely, 21% of women prioritised improving people's health, compared with 13% of men. There was also variance by education: while 22% of those with at least a degree-level qualification prioritised the reduction of inequality, this figure fell to just 5% among those with no formal educational qualifications.

Political and social values also appeared to shape public priorities for government action. While 31% of those on the right identified improving standards of education as their highest priority, just 13% of their more left-wing counterparts did so. Similarly, although 25% of those on the right pointed to improving the economy as their number one priority, this stance was adopted by just 13% of those on the left. Meanwhile, three in ten (30%) of those on the left prioritised the reduction of inequality compared with just one in ten (10%) of those on the right. Further, those who adopt a more authoritarian outlook were more likely to prioritise improving the economy (26%) and improving people's health (21%) than their more liberal counterparts (11% of whom prioritised improving the economy and 11% of whom prioritised improving people's health), while liberals (35%) were more likely than authoritarians (3%) to prioritise a reduction in inequality. Priorities also differed by interest in politics: those who report having little or no interest in politics (36%) were more likely than those with 'some' (14%), 'quite a lot' (14%) or 'a great deal' (15%) of interest to prioritise the improvement of people's health, while those with 'a great deal' of interest in politics (28%) were more likely than those with 'not very much' or 'none at all' (4%) to prioritise a reduction in inequality.

Base: all respondents

Public priorities for government action also differed by party identity, views on how Scotland should be governed, and attitudes towards Britain's relationship with the EU. Conservative supporters (36%) were more likely than SNP supporters (16%) and Scottish Green party supporters (5%) to prioritise improving the standard of education in Scotland, and were also more likely than supporters of the SNP to point to improving the economy as a priority (33% compared with 15%) and the Scottish Green party (3%). Meanwhile, supporters of the SNP (25%) and the Labour Party (27%) were more likely than Conservative Party supporters (3%) to identify the reduction of inequality as the number one priority for government action.

Differences were also present by constitutional preference: those in favour of Scotland remaining part of the UK were more likely than supporters of independence to prioritise improving standards of education (30% compared with 13%) and improving the economy (23% compared with 14%), while independence supporters were more likely than opponents to prioritise the reduction of inequality (26% compared with 9%). Priorities also varied by attitudes towards the UK's ties with the EU: those who support Britain's departure from the institution were more likely than their Remain-supporting counterparts to prioritise improving standards of education (29% compared with 19%) and improving the economy (30% compared with 15%), while those who back Remain (23%) were more likely than those who back Leave (2%) to view the reduction of inequality as their number one priority. Whether people felt positively or negatively about Scotland's handling of the pandemic represented a further distinguishing factor.

Levels of satisfaction with the health service in Scotland

SSA 2021/22 asked its respondents a number of questions aimed at measuring public attitudes towards the health service in Scotland. Firstly, respondents were presented with the following question:

All in all, how satisfied or dissatisfied would you say you are with the way in which the National Health Service runs nowadays?

Very satisfied

Quite satisfied

Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied

Quite dissatisfied

Very dissatisfied

Table 3.3: Satisfaction with the National Health Service (2021/22)

	(%)
Very satisfied	12
Quite satisfied	43
Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied	17
Quite dissatisfied	19
Very dissatisfied	9
Don't know/Refusal	1
Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

Over half (54%) indicated that they were either 'very' (12%) or 'quite' (43%) satisfied with the way in which the National Health Service is run. In comparison, just under three in ten (28%) expressed dissatisfaction with the way the NHS in Scotland is run; around two in ten (19%) felt 'dissatisfied', with a further one in ten (9%) indicating that they were 'very dissatisfied'.

These figures indicate that satisfaction with the NHS in Scotland is higher than across Britain as a whole. In the most recent British Social Attitudes (BSA) survey, 36% of people in Britain said they were either 'very' (6%) or 'quite' (30%) satisfied with the way the NHS is run, while 41% said they were either 'very' (13%) or 'quite' (28%) dissatisfied.

How do levels of satisfaction vary by sub-groups?

As with other attitudes, satisfaction with the NHS differed according to views on Scotland's handling of the coronavirus pandemic: 72% of those with a positive perception of Scotland's handling of the COVID-19 crisis indicated that they were satisfied with how the NHS runs, while among those who evaluated Scotland's handling of the pandemic more negatively this figure stands at 39%.

Levels of satisfaction also varied by how people feel about their ability to live comfortably on their present level of income. While 70% of those who indicate that they are 'living very comfortably on their present income' reported satisfaction with the NHS, this figure stands at 46% among those who are 'neither comfortable nor struggling' and at 50% among those who are either 'struggling' or 'really struggling'. Satisfaction with the NHS also differed between those living in urban and rural areas: just over half (52%) of those living in urban areas indicated that they are satisfied with the way in which the NHS runs, compared with 60% of those living in rural areas.

Levels of satisfaction also varied by social values, with those holding more authoritarian views more likely than their more liberal counterparts to display dissatisfaction with the way in which the NHS is run (33% compared with 21%). Views on the NHS further diverged by party identification. For example, while 62% of SNP supporters indicated that they were satisfied with the NHS, among Conservative supporters this figure fell to 42%. This represents less of a division of opinion between these party supporters than on some of the other attitudes, such as on taxation, spending and redistribution. Meanwhile, levels of satisfaction with the NHS were higher among those who supported Scottish independence (60%) than their counterparts who wish Scotland to remain in the UK (47%), and among those who would vote to Remain in a hypothetical second EU referendum (59%) compared with those who would vote to Leave (38%).

Logistic regression analysis was conducted to determine the main attitudinal drivers behind satisfaction with the health service in Scotland^[39]. This analysis suggested an association between views on the NHS and assessments of Scotland's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic. Controlling for all other variables, the odds of an individual who perceives Scotland's handling of the pandemic positively stating that they were satisfied with the way in which the NHS runs were around four times that of an individual who views Scotland's response to the pandemic in a more negative light.

Standards in the health service

In addition to asking its respondents whether they felt satisfied with how the NHS runs, SSA carries an additional item aimed at assessing whether respondents felt that standards within the health service in Scotland had increased or fallen during the past twelve months. As Table 3.4 indicates, two-thirds (66%) believed that standards within the health service fell during this period, one-third (33%) felt that standards fell 'a little', while a further third (33%) asserted that standards fell 'a lot'. Around a quarter (23%) felt that standards within the health service were maintained during this period, with only 6% of the belief that standards had increased.

Table 3.4: Perceptions of whether standards in the health service in Scotland have increased or fallen (2021/22)

	(%)
Increased a lot	3
Increased a little	4
Stayed the same	23
Fallen a little	33
Fallen a lot	33
Don't know/Refusal	5
Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

How do these attitudes vary by sub-group?

Responses to this item varied by views on Scotland's handling of the coronavirus pandemic. Among those who feel positively about how Scotland has dealt with the COVID-19 crisis, 56% believed that standards in the health service had fallen. Among those who adopt a neutral stance on Scotland's handling of the pandemic this figure rises to 64%, while among those who view Scotland's handling of the pandemic negatively 78% felt that standards within the health service had fallen.

Attitudes also varied according to how people feel about their ability to live comfortably on their present level of income. While over half (54%) of those who asserted that they were 'living very comfortably' on their present income believed that standards within the health service had fallen during the past year, among those who are either 'struggling' or 'really struggling' on their present income this figure rises to just over four in five (81%).

Beliefs about whether standards within the health service have risen or fallen also differed by party identification and constitutional preference. For instance, while over half (54%) of Scottish Green party supporters felt that standards within the health service had fallen during the previous twelve months, this figure stood at almost two-thirds (63%) among SNP supporters and around three-quarters among Conservative (74%) and Labour (77%) supporters. As with level of satisfaction with the NHS this represents less of a divergence of opinion between these party supporters than on some of the other attitudes, such as on taxation, spending and redistribution. Meanwhile, while 59% of those in favour of Scottish independence believed standards had fallen during the past year, 74% of those who believe Scotland should remain in the UK felt that standards have dropped.

Base: all respondents

Responsibility for changes in standards within the health service

Having indicated whether they believe standards within the health service in Scotland had increased, fallen or stayed the same, respondents were then presented with the following question aimed at assessing who they felt was accountable for this:

What do you think this has been mainly the result of?

Mainly the result of the UK Government's policies at Westminster

Mainly the result of the Scottish Government's policies

For some other reason

Over three in ten (33%) people felt that responsibility for the standard of the health service either increasing, falling or staying the same was 'mainly the result of the Scottish Government's policies', while just over two in ten (22%) attributed responsibility to the UK government's policies.

Among those who said that standards within the health service had fallen during the past 12 months, just over a quarter (28%) pointed to the UK Government's policies at Westminster as the primary reason for this change, while just under a quarter (24%) identified the Scottish Government's policies as resulting in a drop in standards. However, the most common response to this question among those who felt that standards within the health service had fallen during the previous year was that this was caused by a reason other than the policies of either the UK Government or the Scottish Government, with four in ten (40%) selecting this option. Although not referred to within this answer option ('for some reason') it is likely that most of those who stated this would be thinking of the pandemic.

Among those who do not believe standards have fallen (i.e. that they had stayed the same or increased) during this period, 46% thought this was mainly due to Scottish Government policies, 32% mainly due to UK Government policies and 32% for some other reason. Among the relatively small proportion (6%) of those who felt that standards within the health service had increased during the previous twelve months, the majority (60%) credited Scottish Government policies for this shift, with a further 3% identifying the UK Government's policies as boosting standards. One-third (33%) asserted that standards in the health service had risen during the past year for a reason other than the policies of either the UK Government or the Scottish Government.

Views on the economy and standards of living

In addition to the items measuring attitudes towards the health service, SSA 2021/22 carried two further questions on whether Scotland's economy had become stronger or weaker over the past 12 months, and whether the standard of living in Scotland had increased or fallen during the same period.

Table 3.5: Attitudes towards whether Scotland's economy has strengthened or weakened / whether the standard of living in Scotland has increased or fallen over the past 12 months (2021/22)

Scotland's economy	(%)	The standard of living in Scotland	(%)
A lot stronger	1	Increased a lot	3
A little stronger	6	Increased a little	4
Stayed the same	21	Stayed the same	27
A little weaker	41	Fallen a little	42
A lot weaker	25	Fallen a lot	21
Don't know/Refusal	7	Don't know/Refusal	2
Unweighted base	1130	Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

As Table 3.5 indicates, in 2021/22 two-thirds (66%) of people in Scotland believed that Scotland's economy has weakened over the past 12 months: 41% felt that the economy has become 'a little weaker', while a further 25% thought it had become 'a lot weaker'. Meanwhile just 7% asserted that the economy had strengthened: 6% thought that Scotland's economy had become 'a little stronger', and 1% felt that the economy has become 'a lot stronger'. Around one-fifth (21%) believed that the strength of the economy had stayed the same during the past year.

This pattern is broadly reflected in the distribution of attitudes towards the standard of living in Scotland: around two-thirds (63%) believed that the standard of living in Scotland had fallen over the past twelve months (42% by 'a little' and 21% by 'a lot'), while just 8% felt that the standard of living had increased during this period (4% by 'a little' and 3% by 'a lot'). Just over a quarter (27%) said that the standard of living in Scotland had stayed the same during the previous year.

How do these attitudes vary by sub-group?

Attitudes towards the strength of Scotland's economy over the past twelve months differ by age; at 55%, those aged 16-34 were less likely than their older counterparts to believe that the economy had weakened during the previous year (this stance was adopted by 73% of those aged 35-44, 64% of those aged 45-54, 68% of those aged 55-64, and 74% of those aged 65 and over). Views on whether the economy in Scotland had strengthened or weakened also diverged by income, with 51% of those in the lowest income quartile saying that the economy had weakened over the past year compared with 65%-71% of those across all other income quartiles. Meanwhile, attitudes towards whether the standard of living in Scotland had increased or fallen over the past 12 months varied by disability: while around six in ten (59%) of those without a disability felt that the standard of living in Scotland fell during the previous year, this figure rises to almost seven in ten (69%) among those with a disability or long-term health condition.

Views on whether the economy in Scotland had strengthened or weakened over the past year also diverged by party identification, attitudes towards how Scotland should be governed, and views on the UK's ties with the EU. In terms of party support, while just under six in ten (58%) SNP supporters believed that the economy had weakened over the past twelve months, this rose to around eight in ten of both Conservative (80%) and Labour (78%) supporters. Further, supporters of Scottish independence (58%) were less likely than opponents (75%) to feel that the Scottish economy had weakened over the past year, while the proportion who believed the economy had weakened in Scotland during the previous 12 months was lower among those who would vote to Remain in a hypothetical second EU referendum (64%) than among those who would vote to Leave (76%). Meanwhile, although attitudes towards whether the standard of living in Scotland had increased or fallen did not vary significantly according to party identification, constitutional preference, or views on Britain's place in Europe, opinions did vary by level of interest in politics. While around two-thirds of those with 'a great deal' (67%) or 'quite a lot' (68%) of interest in politics believed the standard of living had fallen during the previous year, the proportion was lower among those with either 'some' interest in politics (55%) or with 'not very much' interest or 'none at all' (54%).

Attitudes towards changes in both the strength of the economy and the standard of living in Scotland differed by views on Scotland's handling of the coronavirus pandemic. Among those who felt positive about how Scotland dealt with the COVID-19 emergency, 61% indicated that the economy had weakened over the past 12 months and 60% believed the standard of living had fallen during the same period. In comparison, among those who feel negatively about the Scottish Government's approach to the pandemic these figures rise to 75% and 71% respectively.

Responsibility for changes in the economy and standard of living

Having given their views on changes in the strength of the economy and standard of living in Scotland during the past twelve months, respondents were asked who they felt was responsible for these changes. Thirty-one percent viewed the Scottish Government's policies as responsible for the performance of the economy, while 27% felt that economic performance was 'mainly the result of the UK government's policies at Westminster'. A further 8% believed that the Scottish Government and the UK Government's policies were jointly responsible for the performance of the economy, while one-third (33%) asserted that whether the economy had strengthened or weakened during the past year was the result of 'some other reason'. As with reasons for changes to the standard of the NHS it is likely that most who stated this was 'for some other reason' had in mind the pandemic. Meanwhile, 24% viewed changes in the standard of living in Scotland as 'mainly the result of the Scottish Government's policies', while 37% saw the UK government's policies as responsible for the standard of living in Scotland. An additional 7% stated that the policies of both the UK Government and the Scottish Government were responsible for changes in the standard of living, while three in ten (30%) said that a change in the standard of living in Scotland was a consequence of 'some other reason'.

Table 3.6: Responsibility for changes in Scotland's economy and the standard of living in the past twelve months (2021/22)

Responsibility for changes in Scotland's economy	(%)	Responsibility for changes in the standard of living in Scotland	(%)
Mainly the result of the UK government's policies at Westminster	27	Mainly the result of the UK government's policies at Westminster	37
Mainly the result of the Scottish Government's policies	31	Mainly the result of the Scottish Government's Policies	24
For some other reason	33	For some other reason	30
SPONTANEOUS: Both Westminster and Scottish Government	8	SPONTANEOUS: Both Westminster and Scottish Government	7
Don't know/Refusal	2	Don't know/Refusal	2
Unweighted base	1130	Unweighted base	1130

Base: all respondents

While these figures give a sense of who the public felt was most responsible for the strength of the economy and the standard of living in Scotland, analysing the attitudes of those who felt the economy had weakened and of those who think it had strengthened and then looking at these attitudes relating to the standard of living allows us to assess who the public 'blame' for negative changes and who they 'credit' for positive developments. A larger proportion credited the Scottish Government's policies, rather than the UK Government's, for positive shifts and blamed UK Government policies, rather than Scottish Government policies, for negative shifts. Of those who believed that the economy in Scotland has weakened during the past year, 31% 'blamed' UK Government policies for this shift while 25% 'blamed' Scottish Government policies (a further third – 33% – viewed such changes as the result of 'some other reason). Among those who felt that the economy had strengthened during the past twelve months, one in ten (10%) thought that such changes were the consequence of the UK Government's policies at Westminster, while 45% asserted that the policies of the Scottish Government are responsible for these developments (once more, around a third – 36% – position the strength of the economy as being dependent upon 'some other reason').

Meanwhile, of those who felt that the standard of living in Scotland had fallen during the same period, 45% held the UK Government's policies responsible for this development and 17% viewed such changes as the result of Scottish Government policies (again, around a third – 31% – believed that such changes stemmed from 'some other reason'). Of those who believe that the standard of living in Scotland had increased during the previous year, 21% 'credited' the policies of the UK Government while 28% 'credited' the policies of the Scottish Government (a further third – 33% – viewed such changes as the result of 'some other reason).