Seasonal migrant workers in Scottish agriculture: research report

4. Employers and Stakeholders Findings

All stakeholders reported that seasonal migrant workers were in high demand within the agricultural sector in Scotland and the wider UK.

The main reason given for high demand was lack of availability of non-migrant seasonal workers.

Employers reported serious negative consequences for their businesses should they not be able to access this type of labour.

Stakeholders explained that due to weather and supply chain factors, the actual volume of work could be difficult to predict and subject to change. Employers confirmed coinciding labour need to labour availability on-site was a continuous challenge for farms.

Stakeholders emphasised how they valued seasonal migrant workers as people who were conducting physically demanding tasks, away from their home country and friends and family, and often without strong levels of English language.

Pay ranged from £8.91 to £13.75 per hour. Accommodation was usually provided but accommodation costs tended to be deducted from pay.

4.1 Introduction

This chapter includes findings from a survey of employers and interviews with employers and wider stakeholders (see chapter 2). Employers of seasonal migrant workers in agriculture are farming enterprises, mostly in the horticultural sector. Please see section 2.4 for more details of the range of stakeholders.

4.2 Stakeholder Interviews

The structure below presents findings by research aim and topic.

Employer and worker motivations for seasonal migrant work in Scottish agriculture

The importance of the efforts of seasonal migrant farm workers for businesses, the sector, the economy and the public featured heavily in interviews.

The manual labour provided by seasonal workers was seen as essential, particularly in terms of activities that cannot yet be automated or mechanised such as cutting cauliflower or broccoli. Thus, farms with many types of vegetable and fruit crops were described as reliant on consistent intakes of workers to conduct these tasks and maintain and process produce 'by hand.' Indeed, one farmer described having a team of approximately seventeen people doing the equivalent work of a combine harvester when harvesting one field.

Many participants mentioned the rigidity and intensity of the supply chain, with some noting challenges around the costs and resistance to food price inflations. Given the financial returns on produce supplied to retailers and other vendors, farms are keen to meet quotas, maintain the high quality expected by consumers, and retain good relationships with these bodies. Stakeholders explained how available and reliable labour for agriculture, and associated industries such as food transportation, were crucial to the success of the supply chain.

Stakeholders talked about the vulnerability of the food industry and the potential economic shortfalls and public dismay if supplies of fresh fruit and vegetables – which was said to account for over half of the Scottish agricultural output - were to diminish. Some were of the view that the public are likely unaware of this vulnerability and may not be receptive to increased food prices:

"I'm not sure whether people realise just how vulnerable the food industry is without these people – I think we're going to see it this summer – but without them there is no vegetable industry or fruit industry in Scotland. It's staggering the value that the fruit and veg industry contributes to the Scottish economy, and particularly Scottish agriculture, it's a much bigger percentage. Something like 60% of the Scottish agricultural output is from the fruit and veg industry and it's probably from not that many growers that that's coming from" [Farmer]

"they [the public] want to go in the shops and pick something up to cook for Sunday lunch, somebody's got to get it there somehow, and they don't want to be paying more than £1 for a kilo of potatoes, so if they were doing it in the real world, potatoes would be away up at £3 or £4 per kilo and that would cause a riot" [Stakeholder].

Seasonal labour was connected to maximising yield and ensuring the productivity of a farm business. Farmers flagged those crops which included perishable goods with short windows of opportunity for harvest:

"But in the peak of summer, if you don't cut it in the morning, by the afternoon, the quality is gone, and you'll face a rejection in factory. And some days we'll do very long shifts to try and achieve that. If we don't hit the target yield, we make a loss, and that's what we did last year because of the issues with factory capacity, lack of drivers and weather conditions and people as well. So, if we don't have seasonal labour, it jeopardises the whole operation. We need people we can rely on, who can be there when we need them and generally as growers, we appreciate that we need these people, and we'll look after them well" [Farmer].

Stakeholders often prefaced discussions by noting that demand for seasonal migrant farm workers in Scotland – and the wider UK – is fuelled by a lack of local labour to support the Scottish agricultural sector.

Some farmers said that they had talked to others who had made similar unsuccessful attempts to recruit and retain local labour. Stakeholders noted that it had previously been relatively easy to recruit local labour, though local appetite for such work had dwindled, if not disappeared, in the past few decades. The seasonal nature and rural setting of the work were cited as potential reasons for this gap:

"The reality is that local people from Edinburgh, Glasgow etc who are unemployed want to be with their families. They want to support their families, they don't want to be living up in Aberdeen or Fife or those areas, and those areas are probably not as rural as you can get in Scotland" [Stakeholder].

Several participants made comparisons between the work ethic of seasonal migrant workers and local labour, particularly where they had experience of employing both groups. Seasonal migrant workers, who were seen to have come 'with purpose' – such as with the target of meeting key 'life milestones,' such as purchasing property in their home country were typically deemed to have a more positive attitude and stronger work ethic than locals:

"If you put two cutters against each other and one's an Eastern European and one's a local, generally the Eastern European will be two or three times quicker than the local, they've got a better work ethic. They've made a financial commitment to come here… also it's a bit of a statement as well, they've kind of come to seek their riches so they don't want to go back home without having something to show for it." [Farmer].

Farmers interviewed in particular were conscious of their local population base, low levels of unemployment, and the competition with other sectors such as the services sector, care sector and hospitality sector for local labour. One stakeholder explained:

"So, without a migrant workforce, then there's a lot of businesses, I would assume, wouldn't be able to function in the way that they wanted to, and so it's in the industry's interest to make sure that Scotland remains attractive to a migrant workforce" [Stakeholder].

Number and characteristics of agricultural seasonal migrant workers

When asked about the key characteristics of the agricultural seasonal migrant workforce, stakeholders discussed changing trends in age, gender and nationality, with some describing these changes across a timeline. Changes in age profile of workers were noted as being led by key events, such as the financial crash of 2008, where the average age of workers increased from students in their early twenties to those aged 25-35. Although, stakeholders felt the Seasonal Workers Pilot and Seasonal Workers Programme had led to a return to younger age groups:

"In the early days, it was very much students who were looking for summer work, [they] would come for the summer and then go home and go back to university. As time went on and probably after the financial crisis, we started getting older people, so perhaps twenty-five to thirty-five year olds [for whom] maybe the work opportunities weren't as good in their own country and they were seeing these youngsters coming back with a pile of money so they came over. So, the age profile got older again during that. And then once we started with the seasonal workers pilot, a lot of them were younger again, so we're kinda going back to that younger age group a little bit" [Farmer].

However, stakeholders explained that the workforce is typically young. They attributed this to the physical and laborious nature of the tasks. Some stakeholders pointed out that awareness of seasonal jobs, such as those in agriculture, had increased amongst young adults due to social media communications, whether through advertisements, post sharing or talking to/engaging with peers online.

In terms of gender, those interviewed noted that the agricultural seasonal migrant workforce is predominantly male, though females are becoming more involved and have developed further interest upon hearing about the work from others who have experienced it. One stakeholder believed there to be a "70:30" split of male and female workers, comparing this to a "99% male" workforce in the first year of the Seasonal Workers Pilot:

"We've seen a change in the split in the last three years, so in year one it was pretty much all male because the females wouldn't travel as a group of females, so if they weren't coming with a partner, the female wouldn't come. Then in year two we saw more females travelling with partners because the partner was kind of saying 'It's okay, I've been, don't worry.' And then this year we're probably seeing groups of females travelling" [Stakeholder]

Qualitative accounts of changes in nationality trends varied, though some key points emerged. Many participants focused on changes in workforce pre- and post- the introduction of the Seasonal Workers Pilot. Some noted how, prior to the Seasonal Workers scheme, farmers only had access to workers from the European Union (EU), and these mainly came from Poland, Lithuania, Moldova, Belarus, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. Bulgaria and Romania also became key sources following their acceptance into the EU. A shift to non-EU countries occurred following EU Exit, with Ukraine becoming a main source of non-EU migrants.

Others touched on the war between Ukraine and Russia, which was intensifying at the time of interviews, and the impact of resulting sanctions on the flow of workers from these and neighbouring countries was very topical. Stakeholders spoke of new intakes of workers from other countries from Easter Europe.

Employer and worker experience of temporary migration schemes

Stakeholders were largely sceptical of the Seasonal Workers Pilot and Seasonal Workers Programme, noting disadvantages for employers and individual workers.

Many felt that only allowing seasonal migrant workers to be placed with a business through the Pilot for six months was too short, restrictive and stifled opportunities to flourish. Six months was seen as too short a time frame for new workers to 'settle' into the new environment, in particular those who had no prior experience of the programme or seasonal agricultural work in general. Some stakeholders felt that the short-termism, which is tied to the seasonality of the work, could feel disruptive to some individuals:

"Six months still doesn't seem very long. It's alright if you just want an adventure, but if you're thinking about your lifetime, it's very disruptive" [Stakeholder].

Participants also mentioned how the processing of documentation and applications could prevent some seasonal migrant workers from experiencing the full six months, since they could not start work until they have full approval. This was seen to result in seasonal migrant workers working and earning less than they had hoped. Stakeholders connected actual experience of working period and pay falling below expectations as having a knock-on effect on stability and morale:

"Some people would maybe like to work more, and I don't know what the rationale is behind six months. So, it doesn't work in some cases especially since it can take some time to get all the documents. Other people want to change their employment if they're unhappy or have issues with employment and move to another farm, for example, so again then they have a shorter period of time there, like two months or something at the other farm. And as a result, people are not able to earn sufficient amount of money or what they intended to earn" [Stakeholder].

At the time of early interviews, others noted that workers on the Seasonal Workers Pilot could not be moved or shared between farms unless requested by workers. Also, moves could be delayed by the time taken to receive approval and administration. Employers described these requests as 'not worth it'. Employers disliked the inflexibility and inefficiency of this rule, where previous movements, dependent on need, were useful in ensuring the smooth running of day-to-day operations. The knock-on effect of 'low or no' workdays on workers was considered:

"Sometimes there's days where we've got too much broccoli or days where we don't have anything, but my neighbour down the road might be in the opposite situation where I've got people and he's got broccoli and he doesn't have enough people and vice versa. So, we used to have the flexibility to move people between us on a daily basis to help with the harvesting schedule, which on the current scheme, officially, we don't have and that's a big problem.

And it [moving workers depending on needs] suits us as growers because we can help each other out when we need it, but it also helps the participants as well because otherwise they would be sitting in their accommodation doing nothing and not earning, and generally if they're not earning, they're not happy, whereas if they can get work down the road they're earning." [Farmer]

Issues with visas for workers on the Seasonal Workers Pilot were also a 'hot topic,' given that these were a main barrier to commencing employment on time, if at all. Stakeholders expressed frustration that an additional 10,000 visas, which had been announced by HM Government to increase the number of visas for workers to 40,000, still had not been granted. Several stakeholders said they were currently working on mitigation actions, with one noting that:

"Every recruiter we speak to have fulfilled their quota on the 30,000 and are just waiting because they've got way more than 10,000 people on their order books to supply. There's demand for much more than that 10,000, and yet it's still sitting on somebody's desk." [Stakeholder].

However, some stakeholders countered these points by describing the positive aspects of the Seasonal Workers Pilot. While some of its rules were a point of contention, the control of the scheme could also be seen as advantageous:

"I think the country has a need for it, on look at the world as a whole, every country has migrant labour coming in, it's just different systems. I like the way it's controlled" [Stakeholder]

The ability to recruit individuals of a range of nationalities, with a variety of skillsets, from different countries was also seen as key to strengthening the Scottish (and wider UK) agricultural workforce as a whole.

Employer and worker experiences of recruitment

Features of working within the agricultural sector in Scotland were discussed widely by participants, to build a more detailed picture of what working as seasonal migrant farm worker involves. Many discussed the manual, often physically demanding, nature of the work – tasks mentioned by farmers and stakeholders included planting, picking fruit and other crops, digging and installing fences.

The achievement of targets was also deemed important, especially given the constant demand for produce and a need for 'quick turnarounds' within the supply chain, so that produce is delivered to retailers and other vendors on time and in adequate quantities:

"I'd say it's very much that growers drive the people now, you're always pushed to hit targets and that comes down to the cost of things. So as much as minimum wage plays a huge part and that people must be paid the minimum wage, the growers and the conditions are constantly push push push, you're constantly under pressure to hit targets and achieve targets." [Stakeholder].

At the same time, stakeholders were conscious that plans could change on a farm depending on environmental factors such as when harvests matured and hold ups in harvesting due to poor weather. Furthermore, orders for produce were subject to change by buyers and pick up of produce could be affected by labour shortages in the food processing sector. Therefore, the sector acknowledged peaks and troughs in demand for labour from month to month, week to week and day to day.

The high precipitation rates and unpredictability associated with Scottish weather conditions were seen to be potentially off-putting to seasonal migrant farm workers, particularly if they were not aware of this before moving. Stakeholders raised the issue of competition for labour within the agricultural sector across the UK. One suggested added incentives may help recruit migrant farm workers to Scotland where the native climate is not as appealing as warmer areas in England:

"I think from a Scottish point of view, you have poorer weather which is a huge factor and should be considered when setting pay-rates. So, if you were to be harvesting on the south coast of England versus Aberdeenshire, at all times of the year it will be colder in Scotland than it will be on the south coast and it's likely to be wetter, and when there is a shortage of labour setting the same pay rate is not going to attract the labour, so that probably drives up the cost of Scottish agriculture further." [Stakeholder].

Other stakeholders pointed out how most migrants seeking seasonal work in Scotland accepted, and were prepared for, poorer weather conditions, whilst the provision of correct equipment and protective, weather-proof clothing lessened the impact of this factor. Thus, as the farmers, an ability to undertake manual tasks and work in all elements are core to a seasonal migrant farm worker's role:

"So, if people are physically fit, we'll employ them, as long as they know what they're coming to. That's the thing too, because it's outdoor veg, whether it's wet or dry, we have to cut – it's not like a polytunnel where things can be nice and dry- we've got to cut, we've got that lorry to fill that day and it doesn't matter if there's been an inch of rain, we have to be out there. There comes a point where we have to go home but we have to cut in all conditions. Sometimes it's not the most pleasant of jobs and that's usually where the local labour would go 'stuff this, I'm not doing this anymore'" [Farmer].

Stakeholders perceived that many seasonal migrant farm workers sought to return to work in Scottish agriculture over a period of seasons or several years. Employers reported varying returnee rates, though saw the experience and skill of returnees as beneficial to overall productivity and the running of operations:

"But that return rate actually helps with your productivity in the team as well because these people have been before, they've been trained before, they know how to do it. You put a new person alongside them and they help show, tell, share all their secrets so you're productivity of the team en masse is always higher than just bringing in new recruits all the time. And there's a bit of camaraderie and teamwork, it works really well" [Farmer].

However, returnee rates, alongside rates of newcomers, have been constrained by several factors. The consequences of Britain's exit from the European Union – (including the ending of freedom of movement) were mentioned as a key constraint, particularly where they make the processes and procedures required to gain access to the UK more difficult and, subsequently, off-putting for those living outside it:

"Before Brexit came, it was quite easy for people to come here and work as they didn't need any special permissions or visas to come over here." [Stakeholder]

Many participants pointed out that, prior to EU Exit, people came for seasonal work and then returned for a few seasons, with this consistency and familiarity leading many to decide to settle here. However, as one stakeholder noted, "that pipeline has now been cut." The COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the Russia-Ukraine conflict has had a significant impact on worldwide labour pools, and thus were considered key deterrents to seasonal migrant workers. In particular, it was thought that the Russia-Ukraine conflict and subsequent displacement of people posed access issues for both workers and farmers:

"There's a lot of constraints and the big one is availability of labour through the seasonal workers scheme because of the war in Ukraine. So I don't know the exact figures, but I've been told that about 60% of the workforce are Ukrainian, so the agricultural labour providers who find these workers are now going much further afield to get the workers. So, the anecdotes from our members is that they are expecting to get these workers in but they're not sure if they actually will appear." [Stakeholder]

The operation of 'middle chain agencies,' which act as a connector between prospective seasonal migrant workers and farmers, was sometimes seen as unhelpful, especially if they cause misinformation or set unrealistic expectations:

"Because of the way the seasonal workers scheme is set up post-Brexit, farmers aren't really involved in direct recruitment, so you're reliant on operators and agencies and, with the best will in the world, some just don't know what the reality of working in a horticulture business in Scotland is." [Stakeholder]

Additional barriers arose where such agents failed to provide seasonal migrant workers with the correct information or made additional charges to workers for procedural necessities, such as visas. The impact of low returnee rates and subsequent intake of newer, less experienced individuals on industry and business operation was a key worry amongst participants, as was the administrative burden resulting from high influxes of new employees on farms themselves.

Across the board stakeholders were anxious about existing and additional barriers to both the recruitment and retention of seasonal migrant labour.

Experiences of Scottish agriculture as a seasonal migrant worker

When asked about pay stakeholders referred to stipulations through the Scottish Agricultural Wage Board (SAWB) and outlined a range of payment approaches.

They explained seasonal migrant farm workers have typically earned hourly pay, alongside 'piecework' or 'piece rates,' where you earn as you pick or 'earn more for picking more.' Some stakeholders discussed a different approach, whereby farms distribute at the basic rate of pay. In addition, workers in more senior positions, such as supervisors, can earn additional bonuses if they – and their team – meet targets set by farms:

"We will incentivise that supervisor basically by saying 'whatever the team cut, you will get a percentage bonus on top of that' which depending on the level of experience can be anything from a 10-25% bonus on what the other team members [get], so they can be rewarded very well for what they do." [Farmer]

Some stakeholders felt that increases to the minimum wage paid to workers had weakened the incentive to use piece rates, where workers were comfortable with the earnings provided by the former and were not as inclined to 'go beyond' that:

"What we have found, though, in the past when minimum wage rates weren't as high, we saw piece rate being used as a bigger motivational tool because the difference was greater. But as that minimum wage is now above £10, it's less of a motivation. If somebody is going to turn up for work and they're guaranteed £90 a day, then there is less motivation to go above and beyond to earn £120 or £130 a day because you do have to work hard to get that money." [Farmer].

However, participants were generally satisfied with the pay system for seasonal migrant workers and were positive about the arrangements in place compared to England, with Scotland having the SAWB and Agricultural Wages Order.

Others outlined how some farms – particularly those who employ large numbers of people – are unable to provide roles for all workers, who can then grow frustrated where a lack of available jobs diminishes earning potential. This could be especially detrimental where funds are required to pay for accommodation:

"…so basically, people have to sit in the caravans and wait for a job to become available for them but they also have to pay for the caravan, food and other experiences. But migrants are happy about their pay as such, it's just they complain a lot about not getting enough work." [Stakeholders].

Most participants felt that the accommodation and living conditions of seasonal migrant farm workers were adequate but could be improved. Employers pointed out that on-site accommodation for workers is currently regulated, with checks regularly undertaken by labour providers and even by large buyers of produce to establish if they deem these of sufficient standard. However, there is currently no regulated reasonable standard as defined by Scottish Government or checked by a public body or regulator.

However, stakeholders, including farmers, explained most farms house workers in static caravans, with some communal areas for cooking and eating food. Caravans can be mixed gender and are typically shared between three to four people.

They also explained that the cost of accommodation varies, with some seasonal migrant workers paying for accommodation through wage deductions; they might also make additional payments towards gas and electricity bills. Some stakeholders called for increased wages in line with any increases in accommodation charges, to enable workers to make a profit:

"I would like to see, when the minimum wage increases, the threshold of accommodation charges that you're allowed to charge stops going up with it, because people have no more money in their pocket, so what's the point putting the minimum wage up if you take it back with the other hand?" [Stakeholder]

One stakeholder described their frustration at the high costs facing workers, who are living on-site for a short period of time:

"It's my gripe. I've been on Zoom calls with the various grower groups and suggested that they don't charge for their accommodation, but, as I've said, £60 a week for… unless we said 'how would you like to go and live in it for three months?', sharing accommodation with potentially three other people you don't know or you haven't met, you know, you'll know them pretty well after a week! Paying £60 a week, plus gas and electric which is caravan accommodation, I mean that's £240 a week between the four of you, that's £1000 a month. That's nearly more than somebody who's paying a mortgage." [Stakeholder]

All stakeholders suggested that action by farms to improve the quality of accommodation and provide a greater standard of amenities could help to attract seasonal migrant farm workers, motivate them during their time there, and encourage them to return. Employers felt that improving conditions for workers was essential for three reasons:

• Regular audit, for example by supermarkets they supply;
• Competition for labour- recruitment and retention, year on year; and
• Care for the wellbeing for their workers.

4.3 Employer Survey

This section presents findings based on the importance of seasonal migrant workforce to agricultural employers. See Appendix K for more information on:

• Agricultural employer profile,
• Data from agricultural employers on workforce,
• Data from employers on seasonal migrant workforce,

Importance of seasonal migrant workers

The survey asked employers about the consequences of losing access to seasonal migrant workers (see figure 4.1). Two thirds of employers with seasonal migrant workers (68%) predict they would have to downscale their business if they did not have access to seasonal migrant labour. Half (50%) would have to focus on non-agriculture activities and increase wages to attract staff. Just less than half (47%) would have to cease current activity without seasonal migrant labour.

The majority of employers with seasonal migrant workers stated that they would not be able to maintain their existing business structure (85%) if they did not have access to seasonal migrant labour.

A fifth of these farmers would consider relocating overseas (21%) and a smaller number would consider relocating within the UK (6%) if their business did not have access to seasonal migrant labour in Scotland. The importance placed by existing employers of seasonal migrant workers was emphasised further in their open text responses. One employer said that seasonal migrant workers:

"…are essential to a successful agriculture sector in Scotland. Access and regulations should be enhanced to ensure they are encouraged to come here."

Q20. If your agricultural business did not have access to seasonal migrant labour in Scotland, what is the likelihood of the following occurring in relation to your business?

Base: n=34, those who employed casual and seasonal workers

Employers framed this importance in terms of the needs of food for our population, and the benefits to society and the environment of producing this food in Scotland.

"Without access to this labour there will be no fresh produce sector in the UK of any note. It really is that simple. This labour resource is absolutely everything - whether it's settled status or SWP, it certainly will never be local again and it's nothing to do with wage rates."

More widely, employers who did not currently employ seasonal migrant workers still saw them as important for the sector. Points made related to the need for labour, migrant workers described in positive terms, and local labour not being available:

"It is imperative for our food security that there is access to a willing workforce - the whole job is becoming difficult enough without all these barriers to a workforce being put in place. There is no local labour force available and willing to do farm work on a large commercial scale like we do it."

4.4 Conclusion

The stakeholder interviews revealed motivations for the sector in seeking seasonal migrant labour. This type of labour was seen as necessary to make up for the shortage of local labour in rural areas. Furthermore, stakeholders acknowledged this demand especially applied to farms planting and harvesting the type of crops which could not be mechanically harvested. Interviewees emphasised the volatility of the sector because harvesting periods are affected by weather and climate. Labour, and often migrant labour, was seen as necessary in fulfilling agreed orders of perishable crops.

Recruitment of seasonal migrant workers was described as an ongoing task for employers, often involving an agency. Returnees were seen as attractive on the basis they had experience, and they knew what the work would involve and what to expect coming to work in Scottish agriculture. Stakeholders were trying to fully ascertain the implications on sourcing labour stemming from EU Exit and the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Stakeholders largely took a pragmatic view of schemes relating to seasonal migrant labour. Feedback on the Seasonal Migrant Pilot and Seasonal Migrant Programme was largely negative, but with an understanding that there had to be a scheme as a result of exit from the EU. Stakeholders emphasised that recruiters and employers need sufficient lead-in time to understand what labour can be sourced each year, and any quotas. This is crucial when deciding on crop allocation of land and the minimum orders to agree with buyers.

Stakeholders felt further action by farms to improve the quality of accommodation and amenities could help to attract seasonal migrant farm workers, motivate them during their time there, and encourage them to return.

The survey achieved a large sample of responses from agricultural employers. The group as a whole did not tend to report labour shortages of either skilled or unskilled labour. However, further examination of the sub-sample of those employing seasonal migrant workers revealed a majority of those:

• Grew crops;
• Reported they experienced labour shortages;
• Provided accommodation for their seasonal migrant workers;
• Deducted accommodation costs from pay of seasonal migrant workers;
• Definitely would not be able to maintain their existing business structure if they did not have access to seasonal migrant labour;
• Predicted they would definitely have to downscale their business if they did not have access to seasonal migrant labour.